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Introduction
Following the Rafter Crisis of 1994, newly arrived Cuban immigrants were relocated through government-sponsored programs to various cities throughout the United States, including the Southwest. Since these regions are non-traditional receiving areas for Cuban immigrants, there is no existing Cuban enclave to facilitate the incorporation of these new arrivals. These Southwest cities are predominantly composed of Whites ("Anglos"), Mexican Americans, Mexican immigrants, and a considerably smaller African-American population. As these areas have not been traditional settlement sites for Afro-origin immigrant groups, the label "Black" has been constructed as African-American in these sites. Moreover, minimal immigration from Latin American countries other than Mexico contributes to a narrow definition of "Hispanic" as either Mexican-origin or as linked to the descendents of the historical Spanish settlement in the region. Afro-Cubans encounter difficulties in their interaction with local groups as the categories of Black and Hispanic are constructed in ways that exclude them (Newby and Dowling, 2007).
Drawing on 45 interviews with Afro-Cubans in Austin, Texas and Albuquerque, New Mexico, we examine how Afro-Cuban immigrants position themselves relative to the Mexican-origin population and to "Hispanic" identity in these communities. Our theoretical framework is guided by a constructionist model in which racial and ethnic identities are understood to be constantly evolving, and in dialogue with both "assigned" external classification by others, and "asserted" self-identification from group members (Cornell and Hartmann, 1997). The role of "assigned" identification is highly salient, particularly if imposed labels are used as a basis for differential treatment. That is, when an assigned identity is a significant factor in determining access to social or economic resources, there exists a firm basis for the development of a community identity. Cornell and Hartmann state that the identities "asserted" by racial or ethnic groups are typically based on shared culture and perceptions of a sense of community. However, these asserted identities can also emerge or strengthen as a result of shared treatment by others (Cornell and Hartmann, 1997).
In the case of Latino/Hispanic identity, groups classified within this category may or may not see themselves as sharing a similar culture, or as belonging to a shared panethnic community (Lopez and Espiritu, 1990). However, the "assigned" or externally imposed classification of Latino/Hispanic creates a basis for solidarity if groups see...