Introduction
1. When we think of exemplary models illustrative of the nature of courtly literature and culture in Renaissance England, the early court of Henry VIII is not always the first to come to mind. By sheer force of voluminous scholarship alone, one might be more drawn to that of his daughter Elizabeth I and, once there, persuaded to consider those who assisted in the process of shaping the literary life of her court in a model suited to its monarch, and literary representations of that monarch in terms suitable to the court. Of this, there are many illustrations, among them the Cynthia of Edmund Spenser's Colin Clout; the Britomart, Glorianna, and Belphoebe of The Faerie Queene; Sir Philip Sidney's judicious judge at the centre of his Lady of May; and the figure_____constructed and interpreted by Spenser, Mary Sidney, William Shakespeare, George Peele, John Davies, and others_____of Astrea.2 What emerges from consideration in such a vein is the nature of the social fiction that is constructed and elaborated in literary terms by these literati and, when viewed in the larger context of court activity, the way in which literary constructions are reflected in (and, themselves, reflect) themes and trends in the larger fabric of court life.
2. Such processes are similarly at work in the earlier Tudor court,3 especially that of Elizabeth's father Henry in the first years of his reign, but there are far fewer literary figures of such prominence to recount_____unless, of course, one is willing to consider the king directly among those literary figures who participated in the construction of courtly social fictions. The Henry VIII Manuscript (BL Additional MS 31,922; hereafter referred to as H), one of only three large songbooks surviving from the period, is notable for many reasons, but chief among them is its intimate connection with Henry's early court and, within, its exemplification of the social fictions developed and elaborated by Henry and his early contemporaries, specifically that of courtly love and the elements of spectacle and regal power that Henry brought to it.4 It provides a rare witness to the fictions the early Tudor court literati constructed and upheld, and the even rarer opportunity of examining the light, earlier lyrical works of a figure better known for his later reforms, secular and religious alike. In allowing one to view the court, and its monarch, through the short poetical works which graced them, the lyrics of the Henry VIII MS are themselves exemplary of the literary accoutrement_____the apparel or attire intended for special purposes5_____of the early Tudor court and of the king himself.
3. Hitherto unedited in a form intended for a literary audience, the lyrics of the Henry VIII MS thus constitute a document that contributes considerably to our critical understanding of the connections between music, poetry and power in early Renaissance society_____because of the prominence of its chief author and composer, the King himself, and also because of its literary reflection of the social and political elements of the early Tudor court. The lyrics themselves will appear soon in an edition published by the Renaissance English Text Society, but the matter of the text itself and its relation to the larger context of the literary and musicological study of this manuscript will not be addressed at length in that edition; this note attempts to provide that material, bringing forward aspects of our understanding of the text of the manuscript from the previous generation of scholars to the current one, toward a greater understanding of the social, cultural, literary and musicological understanding of the text of H.
Description of the Lyrics
4. Predominantly secular in tone, the lyrics contained in the Henry VIII MS chiefly reflect a lively and light court atmosphere, and a court culture whose influence echoed from the public sphere associated with Henry VIII and his entourage into the more private court circles of Wyatt6 and others further removed from the centre of court activity.7 The lyrics themselves are as follows:
* Benedictus [Isaac] (Incipit) (3v-4r)
* Fortune esperee [Busnois] (Incipit) (4v-5r)
* Alles regretz uuidez dema presence [van Ghizeghem / Jean II of Bourbon] (Incipit) (5v-6r)
* En frolyk weson [Barbireau] (Incipit) (6v-7r)
* Pastyme with good companye, Henry VIII (14v-15r)
* Adew mes amours et mon desyre, Cornish (15v-17r)
* Adew madam et ma mastress, Henry VIII (17v-18r)
* HElas madam cel que ie metant, Henry VIII (18v-19r)
* Alas what shall I do for love, Henry VIII (20v-21r)
* Hey nowe nowe, Kempe (Incipit) (21v)
* Alone I leffe alone, Cooper (22r)
* O my hart and o my hart, Henry VIII (22v-23r)
* Adew adew my hartis lust, Cornish (23v-24r)
* Aboffe all thynge, Farthing (24v)
* Downbery down, Daggere (25r)
* Hey now now, Farthing (25v)
* In may that lusty sesoun, Farthing (26r)
* Whoso that wyll hym selff applye, Rysby (27v-28r)
* The tyme of youthe is to be spent, Henry VIII (28v-29r)
* The thowghtes within my brest, Farthing (29v-30r)
* My loue sche morneth for me, Cornish (30v-31r)
* A the syghes that cum fro my hart, Cornish (32v-33r)
* With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne, Farthing (33v-34r)
* Iff I had wytt for to endyght [Unattributed] (34v-35r)
* Alac alac what shall I do, Henry VIII (35v)
* Hey nony nony nony nony no [Unattributed] (Incipit) (36r)
* Grene growith the holy, Henry VIII (37v-38r)
* Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne, Henry VIII (38v-39r)
* Blow thi hornne hunter, Cornish (39v-40r)
* De tous bien plane [van Ghizegehem] (Incipit) (40v-41r)
* Iay pryse amours [Unattributed] (Incipit) (41v-42r)
* Adew corage adew, Cornish (42v)
* Trolly lolly loly lo, Cornish (43v-44r)
* I love trewly withowt feynyng, Farthing (44v-45r)
* Yow and I and amyas, Cornish (45v-46r)
* Ough warder mount [Unattributed] (Incipit) (46v-47r)
* La season [Compère / Agricola] (Incipit) (47v-48r)
* If love now reynyd as it hath bene, Henry VIII (48v-49r)
* Gentyl prince de renom, Henry VIII (Incipit) (49v-50r)
* Sy fortune mace bien purchase [Unattributed] (50v-51r)
* Wherto shuld I expresse, Henry VIII (51v-52r)
* A robyn gentyl robyn, Cornish [Wyatt] (53v-54r)
* Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest, Cornish (54v-55r)
* Thow that men do call it dotage, Henry VIII (55v-56r)
* Departure is my chef payne, Henry VIII (60v)
* It is to me a ryght gret Ioy, Henry VIII (Incipit) (61r)
* I haue bene a foster, Cooper (65v-66r)
* Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart, Cooper (66v-68r)
* Withowt dyscord, Henry VIII (68v-69r)
* I am a joly foster [Unattributed] (69v-71r)
* Though sum saith that yough rulyth me [Henry VIII] (71v-73r)
* MAdame damours [Unattributed] (73v-74r)
* Adew adew le company [Unattributed] (74v-75r)
* Deme the best of euery dowt, Lloyd (79v)
* Hey troly loly loly [Unattributed] (80r)
* Taunder Naken, Henry VIII (Incipit) (82v-84r)
* Whoso that wyll for grace sew, Henry VIII (84v-85r)
* En vray Amoure, Henry VIII (86v-87r)
* Let not vs that yongmen be [Unattributed] (87v-88r)
* Dulcis amica [Prioris] (Incipit) (88v-89r)
* Lusti yough shuld vs ensue, Henry VIII (94v-97r)
* Now [Unattributed] (98r)
* Belle sur tautes [Agricola] (Incipit) (99v-100r)
* ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart [Unattributed] (100v-102r)
* Pray we to god that all may gyde [Unattributed] (103r)
* Ffors solemant, [de Févin, after Ockeghem] (Incipit) (104v-105r)
* And I war a maydyn [Unattributed] (106v-107r)
* Why shall not I [Unattributed] (107v-108r)
* What remedy what remedy [Unattributed] (108v-110r)
* Wher be ye [Unattributed] (110v-112r)
* QUid petis o fily, Pygott (112v-116r)
* My thought oppressed my mynd in trouble [Unattributed] (116v-120r)
* Svmwhat musyng [Fayrfax / Woodville] (120v-122r)
* I loue vnloued suche is myn aduenture [Unattributed] (122v-124r)
* Hey troly loly lo [Unattributed] (124v-128r)
Description of the Manuscript
5. The manuscript is vellum (12 by 8.25 inches, 309 by 211 millimetres), with some paper additions as the result of its rebinding in 1950-1. H was obtained by the British Museum in its original bindings; these are wood, covered with leather with a design characterised by roses, fleur-de-lis, and tooling; the covers measure 13 by 8.5 inches, and were once held together by two clasps, now missing. The effect of the cover design is a double-ruled and centred square, in which a series of diamonds are created by diagonal tooling; each of the full diamonds in the centre of the cover contains a fleur-de-lis, while the remaining divisions contain roses. The tools used on the binding have been identified as belonging to a binder operating in London ca. 1520-3.8 As it currently exists, it is bound in modern covers of maroon leather on boards and consists of the following:
1. One paper page (modern addition).
2. Two vellum sheets, chiefly blank save for the latter, which has written in the bottom right corner of the recto of it "Purchd. of B Quaritch, / 22 April 1882." These are original and, while unnumbered, match in composition and wear those numbered ff. 129 and 130, listed below as 5(iv).
3. One paper page (modern addition, containing a list of printed texts and notices of this manuscript).
4. One paper page, an addition containing the remains of two paper bookplates,
(i) of "Thomas Fuller: M:D," with "Stephen Fuller of / Hart Street, Bloomsbury / 1762" written in ink above the arms of Thomas Fuller, and
(ii) of "The Right Honourable / Archibald Earl of Eglinton."
5. One hundred and thirty vellum sheets comprising the original manuscript. These are made up of sixteen gatherings generally of 8 leaves each, though the first gathering is of ten; i10 lacks the tenth leaf (a stub remains), and xvi8 lacks the first leaf (for which a stub remains as well). The front fly leaves and the end-pages (ff. 129-30) are additional to these gatherings. The physical contents of the manuscript are as below:
(i) 1r-2r: blank, except for some extra-scribal markings (noted below).
(ii) 2v-3r: a numbered (arabic) index of works in the manuscript, listing only pieces having original ink numbering in the manuscript itself, and inaccurate after number 49.
(iii) 3v-128r: 109 pieces, of which 75 are lyrics set to music (with at least a title or incipit provided) and 34 are settings with no words; these run continuously, except for blank faces left on 43r, 97v (which is blank, but ruled for music), and 102v; there are occasional extra-scribal markings (noted below).
(iv) 128v: a blank sheet.
6. 129r-130v: two vellum sheets, chiefly blank save for some extra-scribal markings (noted below), and a pencilled account of the manuscript (dated 1882) on 129v; ff. 129 and 130 match in composition and wear the first two vellum sheets in the manuscript (noted above).
7. One paper page (modern addition) containing the manuscript's record of treatment.
6. Foliations 1 through 130 are numbered in pencil in the top exterior corner of the recto face, with an older pagination of 1 (2v) through 251 (128r) in the top exterior corner on both recto and verso; the older pagination is erroneous and is largely erased or crossed out. As well, there is an original ink numbering, roman numerals i-lxxii, of works in the manuscript, typically appearing in the top centre of the recto of the leaf after which a work begins (this, typically on the verso); these almost exclusively enumerate those works with fully-completed lyrics, matching those listed in the index on 2v-3r.
7. The manuscript shows evidence of five scribal hands, none identifiable,9 employed in its copying, with deployment as follows:10 A (2v, 3r [final line], 3v-14r, 18r, 21v-25v, 26v-89v, 90v-124r), B (14v-17v, 18v-21r), C (26r, 119v-120r [correcting and augmenting A], 124v-128r), D (90r), and E (3r).11 The differentiation of A and B relies chiefly on the evidence of the texts of the lyrics alone, for the musical notation here is quite similar; this suggests the possibility that textual entry and musical notation were somewhat separated as scribal activities. The contents of the manuscript are listed by A (2v, 3r [final line, "I love vnlovid"]) and E (3r), urging the possibility that the penultimate lyric "I loue vnloued suche is myn aduenture" (H 122v-124r) was added slightly later than others listed in the contents; this, coupled with the prominence of A's hand throughout, suggests A's role in the production of the manuscript as more than a copyist. The final lyric,"Hey troly loly lo" (H 124v-128r; copied by C), does not appear in the list of contents and is, as with "I loue vnloued suche is myn aduenture," likely also a slightly later addition; this, and further consideration of C's corrections and additions to both the lyrics and the music first written by A on ff. 119v-120r,12 suggests C's involvement in the later history of the manuscript's compilation in an editorial capacity in addition to his scribal function. Scribe D's work, which consists of a music-only piece on 90r, may be a later addition as well.
8. Extra-scribal markings occur infrequently, though not altogether uncommonly, and are chiefly gathered on the sheets which surround the manuscript proper; they appear as follows:
(i) 1r: near the centre on the top is written, in a sixteenth-century hand, "henricus dei gr[aci]a Rex Anglie."
(ii) 2r: what appears possibly to be a large majuscule "R" with an extended flourish, in the top centre of the sheet.
(iii) 3v: (a) in the top left corner, the name of "Stephen Fuller" in ink; (b) as well, in pencil, the incipit for the piece which begins on this page is given as "[B]enedictus".
(iv) 55r: (a) in the top right corner is written "henr" in ink and in a sixteenth century hand; (b) the same, "henr," in the same ink and hand, next to the seventh line of text; and (c) on the same line as the attribution of the piece, in a different hand and in fainter ink than the other markings on this page, "William Cornysh" is written in a sixteenth century hand and rubbed out partially.
(v) 125v-127r: several markings, possibly scribal and approximately "," occurring (a) one third the way down the left margin of 125v, (b) half way down the right margin of 126r, and (c) one third the way down the left margin of 126v and again near the bottom. Other markings, possibly scribal as well, occur (d) two thirds of the way down the left margin of 126v, and (e), on 127r, at the top of the left margin and half way down the leaf in the same margin.
(vi) 129v: (a) some pen practice, written sideways, downwards on the page from the top right corner; in a different hand, centred near the top of the page, "Ser John Leed in the parishe of benynden / Vynsent Wydderden ys an onest man so sayeth / Nycolas Bonden cuius est contrarium verum est."
(vii) 130r: in several different hands, (a) near the top right are two smudged pieces of writing, one, running as the pen practice on the previous sheet, and illegible and, the other, ". . . Wydderden"; below this, (b) reads "Vynsent Wydderden ys a kneet"; below this, (c), written as a above, reads "Dauye Jonys ys a kneet" (the last word has been crossed out); to the right of a, (d) reads "John" as well as other smudged words, including what appears to be "Thomas"; below this, (e) reads "Syr John Lede in parishe of Benenden / Benynd[ ] / Leed in parishe Thomas"13 and directly above this last word "Benynden"; below this, (f) reads "Dauey Jonys in the paryshe of Benynden / ys an onest man so sayeth . . ."; lastly, (g) on the lower right section of the page, running horizontally, "Jane Reve of the paryshe of Mownfeld."
9. The manuscript is chiefly in black ink, though slight variations in inking occur throughout, most notably on 90r (hand D, slightly darker), and 119v-120r (in hand C, as on 124v-128r, though A and C are both present on these sheets) and 124v-128r (hand C, slightly darker). Other colours_____red, blue, and gold (gilding)_____are employed for initial capitals. Typically, initial capitals are block style, stretching the height of both the musical staff and the space left for the text below. There are exceptions and, at times, blank spaces have been left in the manuscript for such initials and remain unfilled.
Date of the Manuscript
10. As one of only three remaining early Tudor songbooks, the Henry VIII MS is also surely the latest.14 The Ritson MS (LRit), containing a version of Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14v-15r) with the heading of "The Kynges Ballade" (141v), is dated ca. 1510;15 the Fayrfax MS (LFay) in which "Svmwhat musyng" (H 120v-122r, LFay 33v-35r) is found, itself associated with Prince Arthur's court shortly before his marriage to Katherine of Aragon, is dated ca. 1500-1.16 The best date which can be accurately assigned the Henry VIII MS is ca. 1522, though the majority of its contents are clearly from an earlier time.
11. Some have placed the lyrics from the manuscript as late as the 1530s. Jungman, for example, has linked Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" to the state of affairs that existed between the King, Anne Boleyn, and Thomas Wyatt in 1530, and a version of "A robyn gentyl robyn" (H 53v-54r), attributed to Wyatt in the later Devonshire (LDev) and Egerton (LEge) MSS, is set by Cornish in H. Such a late date, however, runs contrary to the evidence provided by the manuscript itself.17
12. The latest date for manuscript composition may be set to that of its binding, ca. 1520-3 in London. This is established by tracing the implements used in creating the design on the manuscript's leather cover. There are eight roses (Oldham, Bindings #1034; Shrewsbury #75, A.viii.10[2]), and four fleurs-de-lis (Oldham, Bindings #1055; Shrewsbury #74, A.viii.10[1]); the tools that created these designs were used in London by a binding shop identified (but not named) by Oldham. The same fleur-de-lis and roses as those used on H are employed in a similar pattern on Lambeth 94.B.3 (Lyons, 1523) which, in turn, shares a roll design (Oldham, Bindings #878, RCa[1]) with Lambeth 18.D.12 (Basle, 1520).18 The same fleur-de-lis is also found on BL Additional MS 34,807;19 as well, as noted by Oldham, the rose is used in conjunction with roll #892 (Bindings RPa[1]; London 1523).20
13. While helping to establish an approximate end-date, information associated with the binding of H does not assist greatly with its precise dating, for it is possible that the tools employed in the design on the bindings of H were in use several years before or after the binding and decoration of H. Moreover, manuscript evidence suggests the likelihood that H saw circulation and use prior to its binding; as one might expect, H shows evidence of trimming after materials were copied into it but, more unusually, trimming appears to have occurred after some marginalia indicative of its use had been entered.21 Circulation in such a state may help explain the presence in H of the name of John Lede_____a man associated with the Church of St. George in Benenden, Kent, ca. 151822 and afterward_____on 130r, the contents of which appear unaffected by trimming and the location and wear of which suggest its place as the original end sheet.23
14. Whether bound in leather or with vellum end sheets, H appears to have been in circulation some time after ca. 1518. Evidence provided by the lyrics themselves is further suggestive, both urging an earlier date than that of binding to be considered for the majority of the lyrics contained in H, but also establishing a date before which the manuscript could not have been copied in full.
15. While some of the English lyrics, such as "Svmwhat musyng" (H 120v-122r), hail from before 1500, and several of the instrumental compositions of Henry VIII can be placed quite shortly after the turn of the century,24 references in several lyrics by Henry and other authors point to events early in, and throughout, the first decade of Henry's reign.25 The festivities that celebrated the birth of a prince on New Year's Day 1511 are reflected in "Adew adew le company" (H 74v-75r). The songs "ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart" (H 100v-102r) and "Pray we to god that all may gyde" (H 103r) encourage assistance to the King against the French with reference to Henry's 1513 invasion of France. Moreover, aspects of Henry's lyrics are echoed in the Interlude of Youth, itself dated between August 1513 and May 1514.26
16. The last occasions to which lyrics in H can be matched, however, suggest a date for the ultimate compilation of H no earlier than mid-1522. Cornish's "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45v-46r) appears, by its allegorised characters and their described interaction, to be directly associated with the Schatew Vert court pageant-disguising held 5 March 1522; lines in "What remedy what remedy" (H 108v-110r) also reflect the devices employed by Anthony Browne and Henry VIII, and Browne's motto as well, at the tournament of 2 March 1522 associated with the Schatew Vert pageant. Moreover, but more speculatively, Flood (64-5) assigns Cooper's "I haue bene a foster" (H 65v-66r) to the play presented by Cornish at Windsor, 15 June 1522; the unattributed "I am a joly foster" (H 69v-71r) is a clear and immediate answer to Cooper's lyric, thus suggesting the possibility of a similar association as, perhaps, with Cornish's "Blow thi hornne hunter" (H 39v-40r).27
Provenance of the Manuscript
17. The early history of the Henry VIII MS itself is difficult to establish, but a reasonable (if conjectural) provenance can be suggested for it, prior to its possession in the eighteenth century by Thomas Fuller, M.D. As William Chappell first put forward, it is most likely that the manuscript was removed from the courtly circles in which it originated to Benenden in Kent,28 as is documented by the extra-scribal markings on 129v-130r. The manuscript, as Chappell also advanced, may have made its way to Kent on one of the frequent royal visits to the seat of the Guildford family, the manor of Helmsted in Benenden; while Chappell mistakenly asserts that the manuscript was the property of Henry VIII,29 the basic tenets of his argument are sound and, in acknowledgment of the issue of ownership posed by Chappell, John Stevens has pointed to the possibility that the manuscript was commissioned by Henry Guildford, comptroller to Henry VIII's household (M&P 386). Such a suggestion is well worth considering, for there is much to confirm Guildford's strong presence in the activities represented by the manuscript, and to allow for its passage from immediate court circles to his family's seat (held by his brother, Edward, also a friend to the king) in Benenden; that said, while I will, below, explore this conjectural connection, it is not the only possibility.
18. As materials for a history of Henry Guildford suitable to our purposes are unavailable in a collected form, and some are in manuscript alone, they are rehearsed here. By Henry VII's accession, the Guildford family had been settled in Kent and Sussex for some eight generations and, for several generations before Henry Guildford's service to the king, they had served as comptrollers to royal households.30 Henry was the third son to Sir Richard Guildford (ca. 1455-1506), a man who rose under Henry VII to become master of the ordnance, armory, and horse, as well as comptroller of the household.31 In his several roles, Richard had much to do with courtly entertainments, including the jousts for which he was granted the royal manor at Kennington by Henry VII;32 here, in 1501, Guildford hosted the newly-arrived Katherine of Aragon,33 whose welcoming pageant (the "Receyt") he was instrumental in arranging as well.34 Richard appears to have had quite a large library, and was himself commemorated in a work dealing with the trip that led to his death (1506), the Pylgrymage of Sir Richarde Guylforde.35
19. It was by Richard's second wife, Jane,36 that Henry was born in 1489. Jane was at one time a member of Princess Mary's household and, between 1497 and 1505, was in attendance on the young Prince Henry (b. 1491) as nurse;37 as well, one of Richard's functions, on occasion, was to take charge of the royal children.38.
20. By the time of the 1509 accession, Henry Guildford was already a member of Henry VIII's personal household, having been so while the new king was still a prince; being contemporaries and, at some times, under the same charge of Jane, we might say that they grew up together. Guildford was the only member of this household, after the accession, to enter the circle of Henry's good friends, which itself included Charles Brandon, Edward Howard, Thomas Knyvet, and Guildford's eldest brother, Edward.39 During the early years of Henry's reign, Henry Guildford was often the Master of Revels for court entertainments, appearing in them with a frequency surpassed by few others; Guildford also signed the articles of challenge on the second day of the tournament celebrating the birth of Henry's son in 1511.40 Knighted 30 March 1512, Guildford saw frequent advancement by Henry,41 commanding a force of his own in the 1513 invasion of France, and being honored with the office of the royal standard-bearer; he is also documented as participating in the festivities of that year at the court of Margaret of Austria, Regent of the Netherlands.42 In later years, he would receive letters from Erasmus in praise of the English court (1519), would attend the Field of the Cloth of Gold (1520), and accompany Wolsey to the conferences in Calais in 1521; he would also remain a loyal and faithful friend and servant to the king, but would decline in courtly favor over the matter of the king's divorce ca. 1531, an event that would lead to his retiring from court that year to Benenden, where he died the following year.
21. While not in possession of the family seat_____this was held by his brother, Edward, as with much of the family inheritance43_____Guildford had enjoyed a level of exposure to the king enjoyed by very few others. Edward, several years senior to his youngest brother and the young king (and, hence, not so close a member of prince Henry's household), would succeed his father in the Sargent of Armature under Henry VII and VIII,44 but would not rise as high, nor have a presence so close to the king for as long as his youngest brother.
22. In addition to Guildford's participation in the revels, entertainments, and jousts during the early years of Henry's reign, his role as master of revels, and so forth, it is the level of close familiarity that Guildford had with the king, from the time of the first years of both their lives to the end of Guildford's, that remains the best argument for his participation in the production of the Henry VIII MS. At every identifiable event represented in the manuscript_____the 1511 festivities surrounding the birth of a son, the 1513 war with France and, likely, the entertainments of the same year with the court of Margaret of Austria,45 and events of 1522 as well_____and those that are more generic; the works of H, for example, that suggest their part among the pageants, interludes, and other entertainments and court pastimes_____one finds or can presume the participation of Guildford, because of his formal courtly role and his association with the king. Unlike the roles of other figures who are associated and identified with the court activities represented in H, that of Guildford can, in addition to explaining H's remove to Benenden, also help explain the presence in H of many of the poorer and more amateurish musical settings of Henry's foreign lyrics. As described by Fallows in his "Henry VIII as Composer," pieces such as "Gentyl prince de renom" (H 47v-48r) and "HElas madam cel que ie me tant" (H 18v-19r) demonstrate the mediating influence and interaction of a tutor (30-1), and were likely completed in the few years just after 1500 (35). Guildford, as we know, was a member of prince Henry's household at this time and, while several members of Henry's Chapel Royal ca. 1510-15 may have been involved with Henry's tutelage,46 the Henry VIII MS is not a document akin to what was produced in such circles.47
23. H, rather, appears very much a document of the highest courtly circles, intended for a noble amateur (as its decoration and size suggests) closely connected with Henry's own childhood and youth, his courtly entertainments and dalliances, and the happenstances of court in a way that is suggestive, chiefly, of the role of Henry Guildford as its commissioner and earliest owner.
24. One might also note that the circumstances of William Cornish warrant his consideration as the commissioner and, perhaps, owner of H as well. He is the second most represented composer in the manuscript, was almost as active as Guildford in the aspects of courtly life represented by the contents of H (including their joint involvement in the events which mark, temporally, the latest entries into H), and who retired to Hylden, Kent48 just before his death in 1523. Other possibilities relating to the early provenance of the manuscript have been advanced, most recently and most convincingly by Dietrich Helms, with discussion of the early use of the manuscript as well (Heinrich VIII und die Musik, and in the forthcoming "Henry VIII's Book: Teaching Music to Royal Children").
25. The passage of H from this point forward to its possession by Thomas Fuller (1654-1734) of Seven Oaks, Kent, is quite unclear,49 but details from that point forward can be recounted with a much greater degree of certainty.50 From Thomas Fuller it passed ca. 1762 to Stephen Fuller of Hart Street, Bloomsbury.51 It next was possessed by Archibald Montgomery, the 11th Earl of Eglinton (1726-96).52 By the marriage of Montgomery's daughter and heiress, Mary, it was transferred to Sir Charles Montolieu Lamb (d. 1860) of Beauport Park, Sussex. Through the firm of Quaritch53 it was sold by the daughter of Mary Montgomery and Lamb to the British Museum, 22 April 1882.
Language of the Manuscript
26. H is a court-based song book_____a musical miscellany capturing the diverse tastes of the early Tudor court under Henry VIII_____and, as such, reflects the work of a number of authors and composers, as well as that of the scribes who produced the document, presumably in London where it was compiled ca. 1522 and bound shortly thereafter. The dialectic forms of English found in this miscellaneous collection, as one might expect in a document of this nature produced in London at this time and intended for courtly circles, are not such that any one regional influence is betrayed, save that of the dialectic melting-pot that London had become by this time.54 Continental languages are present in lyrics that reflect what might best be termed a light English courtly French and, via incipits that suggest absent texts, Latin, Italian, and Flemish.
Authors and Composers Represented in H, Beyond Henry VIII
27. In keeping with the large number of works found in the Henry VIII MS, there are a good number of composers (and authors) represented therein. Not all are native to England, and not all are known for their participation in the production of the early English lyric,55 but several are both. What brings their work together in H is its connection to Henry's court - some, as in the case of Henry's contemporaries, via a direct presence in the activities that such lyrics would represent, and others via their work's historic presence at court and/or in accordance with the court's tastes influenced via interaction with the other courts of Europe, particularly (but by no means exclusively) the Burgundian court.
28. A generation of court composers working with the lyric that had not seen representation in the earlier Fayrfax MS (LFay; ca. 1500) have single examples of their work represented in H, excepting that manuscript's namesake, Fayrfax56 himself, who sees representation in both manuscripts; his "Svmwhat musyng" is present in H (120v-122r). Among this group are Richard Pygott ("QUid petis o fily" [H 112v-116r]), an occasional member of the Chapel Royal who rose from being a boy singer in Wolsey's chapel to the position of master of that chapel;57 John Lloyd ("Deme the best of euery dowt" [H 79v]), a priest in the Chapel Royal ca. 1505 and, by 1510, a gentleman of the Chapel;58 Henry Rysby ("Whoso that wyll hym selff applye" [H 27v-28r]), a clerk at Eton ca. 1506-8;59 and William Daggere, who is represented by his work "Downbery down" (H 25r).
29. The largest group of lyrics in H is provided by the king himself, who is the best represented contributor with fifteen lyrics of more than one line of text, followed by that of William Cornish (nine), Thomas Farthyng (five), and Robert Cooper (three).60 Of Henry, much is already known, but other figures having a large place in H are less well known.
30. Cooper (ca. 1474 - ca. 1535-40), who is noted as Doctor in H,61 received that title from Cambridge in 1507. Along with Farthing, he was a clerk at King's College, Cambridge (1493-5) and may have associations there with Cornish as well.62 After his ordination in 1498, Cooper was appointed rector of the chapel of Snodhill, Herefordshire (1498-1514) and of Lydiard Tregoz, Gloucestershire (1499-1513).63 While his extant works are few, they demonstrate a close allegiance with the life of the court and familiarity with the works of the king. Cooper's "I haue bene a foster" (H 65v-66r) suggests acquaintance with materials found in the Ritson MS (LRit), for it strongly echoes (textually and musically) the burden of the unattributed lyric "y haue ben a foster long and meney day" in that manuscript (53v); the matter of his own forester lyric receives answer in H in the unattributed "I am a joly foster" (H 69v-71r). Moreover, the setting he provides to "In youth and age" (Twenty Songes, #2) accompanies a text that echoes some concerns expressed in Henry's own lyrics; as well, Cooper may have also participated in the production of Rastell's interlude of the Four Elements (ca. 1517) by providing "Tyme to pas with goodly sport," a lyric that borrows its tune from Henry's "Adew madam et ma mastress" (H 17v-18r).64
31. Farthing (d. 1520), whose ties with Cooper and Cornish may have begun through his association with King's College, has an earlier association with King's than either of the other two, having begun there as a chorister (1477-83) and later being a clerk (1493-9). From 1500 onward, he was associated with the household of Margaret Beaufort, Henry VIII's grandmother. Responsible for the education of Henry as a child, Margaret had brought John Skelton into her employ ca. 1494.65 Farthing's "Aboffe all thynge" (H 24v) is related to the celebrations in 1511 surrounding the birth of a male child to Henry and Katherine, and his first recorded presence as a member of the Chapel Royal is at that child's funeral several weeks later.66
32. Composers, musicians, and singing-men all, and for the most part associated with Henry's personal chapel, Cooper, Farthing and the others participated in the cultural life of the court as the professionals they were, chiefly through performance and composition. Taken together, this group's involvement with the lyric of the day may be seen to be chiefly musical; in the absence of evidence to the contrary, it must be assumed that they participated in lyrical production according to the patterns of the day, which suggest a separation for the most part of the tasks of verse and musical composition.67 There are, however, two exceptions to this pattern of operation, and these are the prominent figures of Henry VIII and Cornish.
33. Of Cornish (ca. 1474-1523), there is a considerable amount to say, for his career sees him as poet, dramatist, revels organiser, participant, and deviser, composer, and performer. The most prominent member of a musical family with an often overlapping history that included the composer John (fl. ca. 1500) and the musician William (d. 1502),68 Cornish made his earliest court appearance ca. 1493-4, when he offered a prophecy to the court and participated, in the role of St. George, in Twelfth Night revels.69 He became a member of the Henry VII's Chapel Royal in 149470 and by ca. 1495, and certainly no later than ca. 1502, he was setting to music texts written by Skelton.71 By 1504, he is known to have authored a poetic work for which he would become known, like Skelton, as a satirical poet; Stow, in his Annales, mentions him as such (488) for his rhymes that address Richard Empson, which include that found in his "A Treatis bitwene Trowthe and enformacon" (1504) and his later "A Balade of Empson" (ca. 1510).72
34. Cornish also devised pageants and disguisings for the celebrations surrounding the marriage of Prince Arthur and Katherine of Aragon (1501),73 provided the setting for a carol during the Christmas season of 1502,74 and by 1509 was Master of the Children for Henry VIII's Chapel Royal. From the middle of the first decade of the sixteenth century he was the major driving force behind the players of the Chapel Royal, acting in many of their productions, and by 1514-16 he was devising revels at court in association with Henry Guildford.75 Of those many entertainments with which he was associated, it is thought that he provided the song "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45v-46r) to accompany the Schatew Vert pageant of 5 March 1522 which, along with Henry Guildford and Richard Gibson, he likely helped organise;76 he did author an interlude, played on Twelfth Night 1516, called Troylus and Pandor,77 as well as the political play of 15 June 1522 which was intended to convey to Charles V the path of the negotiations for an alliance against the French into which he and Henry VIII would enter.78
Non-Native Authors and Composers
35. While there is significant (if not, at times, incomplete) attribution to English composers, the non-native authors and composers represented in the manuscript see no direct attribution whatsoever, nor do the texts of their works exist in more than incipit form. All told, this suggests that they exist at one step remove from the central focus of H.
36. Of non-native composers, those most strongly represented are working in the Franco-Flemish tradition. Among this group are Agricola, in his "Belle sur tautes" (H 99v-100r), in an equal tradition with attribution to Loyset Compère, in "La season" (H 47v-48r), and with others elsewhere; Jacob Barbireau, in "En frolyk weson" (H 6v-7r);79 Antoine Busnois, in "Fortune esperee" (H 4v-5r);80 Anthoine de Févin, after Ockeghem, in "Ffors solemant" (H 104v-105r); van Ghizeghem, in "Alles regretz uuidez dema presence" (H 5v-6r; with text by Jean II of Bourbon) and in "De tous bien plane" (H 40v-41r); Isaac, in "Benedictus" (H 3v-4r); and Prioris, in "Dulcis amica" (H 88v-89r), among non-textual works and possible others.81
Notes
1. 1 This extended note contains materials which will not be treated - except in heavily condensed form - in my edition of the lyrics of the Henry VIII Manuscript, currently in revision for the Renaissance English Text Society.
2 See Frances Yates' Astrea (29-87).
3 See, for example, studies in the literature of the Henrician court carried out by Alistair Fox, in his Politics and Literature in the Reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII, and Greg Walker, in his Plays of Persuasion, among others.
4 On the nature of the fiction of courtly love, see the fourth chapter of R.F. Green's Poets and Princepleasers, "The Court of Cupid" (101-134); also the chapters in Stevens M&P: "The 'Game of Love'" (154-202) and "The Courtly Makers from Chaucer to Wyatt" (203-232). On the dynamic of political power inherent to such "fictions," see Anglo (Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy).
5 See OED ("accoutrement").
6 See, for example, those echoes of H (and later witnesses to texts contained in H) associated with the lyrics of those manuscripts closely associated with Wyatt's work (LEge) and, also, Anne Boleyn's circle (LDev).
7 The best example of such dissemination is that of Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14v-15r).
8 Identified and classified by Oldham, there are eight roses (Bindings #1034; Shrewsbury #75, A.viii.10[2]), and four fleurs-de-lis (Bindings #1055; Shrewsbury #74, A.viii.10[1]). Please see also the evidence that the bindings lend to the dating of the manuscript, below.
9 I should note explicitly that none appear to be Henry VIII's own.
10 This is a more complex deployment than has been previously suggested. Greene identifies three hands in five groups of foliations (Early English Carols 333) while Stevens, building on Greene's work, differs only in noting the inclusion of a fourth on 90r (M&P 386).
11 E may also be the hand which has made two corrections to 2v.
12 These corrections and additions are also in an ink used for lyrics by C alone (on 124v-128r as well).
13 "Lede" may, possibly, be read as "Berde," as have Chappell (Account 385), Greene (Early English Carols 334), and Stevens (M&P 386); though the only possible trace of this is what looks to be an abbreviated form of this surname. It is also likely that the smudged letters which follow d, "John," on this page could at one time have recognisably read "Berde."
14 Previous discussions of the manuscript's dating occur in Stevens (MCH8 xvii; M&P 4) and Chappell ("Unpublished Collection" 383-4).
15 Stevens (M&P 338).
16 Stevens (M&P 351).
17 The first textual witness of "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14v-15r) the Ritson MS (LRit), suggests it existence some two decades earlier than Wyatt's treatment of it; see Siemens ("Thomas Wyatt, Anne Boleyn, and Henry VIII's Lyric"). "A robyn gentyl robyn" (H 53v-54r) as it appears in LDev and LEge may possibly be more a transcription on the part of Wyatt (LDev 22v) and adaptation (LDev 24r; LEge 37v) of what appears in H than an actual reflection of Wyatt's input in H; see the textual notes to the lyric in this edition, Mumford ("Musical Settings to the Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt"), and Stevens (M&P 111; MCH8 xvii-xviii).
18 Lambeth 18.D.12 contains Archbishop Cranmer's name and arms.
19 BL Additional MS 34,807 is a gathering of theological tracts and others relating chiefly to English church history of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century, which was owned by Robert Johnson (d. 1559; an acquaintance of Cranmer's [see DNB 30.26]; see also Catalogue 1894-1899 93-5).
20 I wish to thank Phillipa Marks (British Library) for her assistance in examining the markings on H, and for her allowing me to see partial notes from Oldham's files.
21 See, for example, see "Hey troly loly lo" (H 124v-128r)_____likely a later addition to H, in the hand of C_____specifically 126v on which, two thirds the way down the page in the left margin, the furthest-most-left letter of its marginalia has been severed by trimming. There are also several reader's marks in the same ink indicative of use.
22 Noted as "Syr John Lede in parishe of Benenden" (130r). Lede's will, registered 30 November 1518, bequeaths an undisclosed amount "to the bying of a mas boke to serue in the churche of Benynden . . ." and requests burial in the churchyard of St. George (Wills and Administrations . . . Canterbury PRC 17: roll 14: f. 239r). Lede's name also appears once on 129v.
23 Other names associated with that of Lede are untraceable.
24 See Fallows ("Henry VIII as Composer").
25 Moreover, scribal references to Robert Cooper identify him as "D.", Doctor (66r, and elsewhere), a degree he received from Cambridge in 1507.
26 See Lancashire (ed.) for the interlude's references to Henry's own lyrics (54-4, and 91 n. 217); for the dating of Youth, see also Lancashire (18).
27 For documentation to these arguments, please refer to the commentary associated with the individual lyrics.
28 See "Unpublished Collection" (385-6), as well as Stevens (M&P 386).
29 "Unpublished Collection" (371).
30 See DNB (viii.770 ff.).
31 See DNB (viii: 772), Cal. Patent Rolls (21 Henry VII, I:30), and Rolls of Parl. (vi.461). Henry's grandfather, Sir John Guildford, was comptroller of the household to Edward IV.
32 He was also granted annual amounts for maintenance thereof, primarily because of its being used as the scene for many jousts and related events. See Hooker (7-8); for the jousts, see BL Egerton 2358 (42v-44v; accounts for 1501-2) and PRO E.404/82 (bdle. 1).
33 BL MS Cotton Claudius C.III (38r).
34 See Kipling (Receyt of Lady Katherine). Arrangements of such a kind he had made since the coronations of Henry VII and, later, his consort Elizabeth; there is a grant to Guildford of 100 marks on 23 October 1485 for jousts in association with Henry's coronation (PRO E.404/79, bdle. 1, #90; PRO E.407/6/137; see also Hooker [81 ff.]).
35 Printed in London by Pynson in 1511, and re-edited for the Camden Society in 1851. While anonymous, it may well have been written by Thomas Larke, chaplain to Guildford and, in Henry VIII's reign, prebend to the collegiate church in Westminster.
36 Née Vaux, and sometimes referred to as Joan.
37 For Jane's relation to Mary's household, see Gunn (Charles Brandon 33). Richard was granted the bailivry of Winchelsea ca. 1497 as a reward for Jane's care of Prince Henry. Heron, the royal treasurer, notes in August 1497 that "the yerely ferm of the baylywick of Winchelsy which my lord of York norysh & hir husbond have taken to ferme pay at Michell" (PRO E.101/44/16); this is reiterated again on 1 October 1499 (BL Additional MS 21,480 ("Memorand"), and in accounts of 1503 and 1505 as well (PRO E.36/123 f. 66r [4 June 1503]; E.101/413/2 pt.3 ff. 57r, 205r [1 April 1505]; BL Additional MS 21,480 f. 195r).
38 See, for example, a letter from Guildford to Reginald Bray (undated, but prior to 1503), in which Guildford states that "ye wer yesterday gone or y cowde speke with yow for the kynge comanedde me to wayte on the prynses tyll ye wer gonne" (qtd. in Hooker, 124 n.53).
39 See Gunn (Charles Brandon 7); along with Charles Brandon, Guildford was a frequent recipient of gifts of clothing from the king (L&P Henry VIII I[i].888, 1144; BL Additional Charters 7925; BL Egerton 3025 f. 26v).
40 During these years, Guildford is the figure most often recorded masquing with the king; only Edward Nevill and the Earl of Essex had a greater frequency of appearance (Gunn, Charles Brandon 7-8).
41 With Charles Brandon, later Duke of Suffolk, he led a ship and squadron in the naval war with France preceding the land campaign of 1513 (L&P Henry VIII I[i].1661[4], ii.3608; Hall 534), and after the deaths of Edward Howard and Knyvet assumed some of their offices.
42 Here, the two courts met in Margaret's "famous centre of courtly love" (Gunn, Charles Brandon 29) for several days of celebration, including of the games, singing, and all night dancing. Of interest also is the nature of the games; Henry, for example, promised a 10,000 crown dowry to a Flemish lady-in-waiting who caught his eye, while Charles Brandon and Margaret of Austria participated in a stylised marriage proposal, which Henry interpreted to her as an actual proposal of marriage. For a description of the festivities and events, refer to CSP Milan (654, 656, 657), Strelka (48, 56-7), Ives (25-6), L&P Henry VIII (I[ii] #s 2255, 2262, 2281, 2355, 2375, 2380, 2391), Gunn (Charles Brandon 29ff.), and Chronicle of Calais (71-4)."
43 Richard's will favoured Henry's half brothers, Edward and George; Edward would inherit the bulk of the estate, George a small homestead, and Henry was to be slimly provided for (£5 annually, until the passing of his mother); the will is abstracted by Hooker (24 ff).
44 The first of these is the jousts at Richmond in March of 1506 (see PRO E.36/214 f. 49r). As Hooker notes, the office of the armoury "appears to have been designed to fulfill certain personal wishes of the monarch" (85); as master, Richard and, later, Edward Guildford "was responsible for the smooth functioning of those frequent spectacles and ceremonies" (85); its association was quite clearly with the household (88). As sargent of the armoury, Richard Guildford presided over the the ceremonies associated with the christening of Prince Arthur (1487; BL MS Cotton Julius B.XII f. 22v) and, as comptroller of the royal household, those in relation to the creation of Prince Henry as Duke of York (1494; BL MS Cotton Julius B.XII f. 91r), and was present at both the funerals of Henry VII's third son, Edmund (PRO L.C.2/1 f. 4v), and wife Elizabeth (PRO L.C.2/1 f. 64v).
45 One argument for this, though not pursued in this work, is the high proportion of foreign works appearing in the Henry VIII MS which have their witness in Margaret of Austria's personal chanson albums of roughly the same time (Brussels Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique 11239 & 228). In this group are works by the composers Agricola, Compère, Isaac, Obrecht, van Ghizeghem, and Prioris.
46 As may have those musicians associated with Henry's household when prince, though they do not have a strong presence in either H or Henry's household and Chapel Royal when king. These include Steven Delalaund, Pety John, and Hakenet Delmers (PRO LC Vol. 550, 74r; recording their presence at the death of Queen Elizabeth in 1503/4), only one of which, Delalaund, appears to have moved into Henry's household when king (PRO LC Vol. 550 fol. 124v; recording the 1509 death of Henry VII).
47 For example, LR58, a document of smaller proportions and much less ornamentation, is the type of manuscript produced by such circles.
48 It should be noted that two composers represented in H, Cooper and Cornish, had ties to Kent, though not to Benenden in particular. Cooper was rector of Snargate in Kent from 1526 to his death (Grove 5:14); Cornish, master of the Chapel Royal and unarguably its most active member in court entertainments, was granted the manor of Hylden in Kent in 1523, though only months prior to his death (Grove 4:795).
49 For Fuller's possession, refer to the bookplate noted in the Description, above (4[i]). While it is unclear how the manuscript passed from the hands of its commissioner and earliest owner into those of Fuller, this passage may be connected with the great fire of 1672 at the Church of St. George in Benenden which completely destroyed the church and, presumably, forced the movement of some of its holdings; for the details of this fire, see Haslewood (xxi, 167-75).
50 These are well-documented in Chappell ("Unpublished Collection" 386), Stevens (M&P 386-7), Hamm (65), and British Library (Catalogue of Additions . . . 1822-1887 9).
51 "Stephen Fuller of / Hart Street, Bloomsbury / 1762" is written above the bookplate of Thomas Fuller, and in the top left corner of 3v one finds the name of "Stephen Fuller" in ink; while no relation has been able to be established, presumably there is some.
52 See his bookplate, described above (4[ii]).
53 See Description, above (item 2).
54 It should be noted that lack of homogeneity in dialect is very much unlike that found in the Ritson MS (LRit) which, though similar to H in that it is a miscellaneous collection, diverges from H in that its comparatively-homogeneous dialectic forms (in addition to other internal evidence) betray its place as a regionally-produced document (likely at a Franciscan monastery in Devonshire) designed for lay services (at Exeter Cathedral, it has been conjectured).
55 Among these are Dunstable (ca. 1390 - 1453), the very influential English composer of the early fifteenth century (see 36v) and John Kempe, lay singer at Westminister Abbey and teacher of its choristers ca. 1501-9 (New Oxford History of Music 347; also E. Pine, 28), whose "Hey nowe nowe" is represented in H (21v).
56 Fayrfax was a member of Chapel Royal from 1497 to his death in 1521.
57 See Flood (34 ff.).
58 He is recorded at the funeral of Prince Henry in 1511 as "Mr. John Lloid" with the other composers / gentlemen of the Chapel; see PRO LC Vol. 550 (170v) and Grove (11: 99).
59 See the New Oxford History of Music (347).
60 While each provides settings with their lyrics, and most are responsible for settings without accompanying text, it is their texts that are the chief focus of this work.
61 His surname is prefixed by "D." (66r, and elsewhere).
62 Their works appear together in an inventory of pricksong books belonging to King's in 1529; see Harrison (iv).
63 As well, the Archbishop of Canterbury granted Cooper in 1516 two benefices, that of East Horsley, Surrey and Latchington, Essex; he served as rector of Snargate, Kent from 1526 until his death ca. 1535-40. See Grove (5:14).
64 See Grove (5:14-15) and Stevens (M&P 258, 430 #6, 456 #326).
65 1494 marks the beginnings of a large output of didactic works and translations by Skelton (covered in an article in progress by the author). A payment was given to "my lady the kinges moder poete" on 3-4 December 1497; refer to PRO E/101/414-16 and H. Edwards (Skelton 288); Henry VII gave Skelton a payment after attending Skelton's mass (see PRO E/101/412-16 [November 11-16, 1498]; Nelson 71); as schoolmaster, Skelton received two payments in 1502 (PRO E/101/415-3; H. Edwards, Skelton 288-9). For a discussion of Skelton as Prince Henry's chaplain in 1500, see Kinney (34). It may have been Fisher, Bishop of Rochester and chaplain and confessor to Margaret, who brought Skelton to her attention (H. Edwards, Skelton 56).
66 PRO LC Vol. 550 (170v). In the same year, Henry also granted Farthing two manors in Northamptonshire for his service to Margaret Beaufort, as well as an annuity; see Grove (6:410) and the New Oxford History of Music (346-7).
67 Cooper, for example, would provide the music for "Petyously constraynd am I" (LR58 19v) a text provided, likely, by Skelton; see Stevens (M&P 451, #261), the Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (1.410), and Henderson's edition of Skelton's works (19). For the details of such production, please refer to "Interpretative Provinces," above.
68 John, who has a piece in the Ritson MS (LRit; see Stevens M&P 338), may have been the father of Cornish, as some extant records suggest; alternatively, William may be the father of Cornish, as attribution of several works in the Fayrfax MS (LFay 64v, and others) to a William Cornish "iun" suggest. Grove (4.795-6) provides a good summary of the lives of the three, though that provided by Streitberger (Court Revels 50-3) is to be preferred for its detail and its weighing of the extant evidence. Details presented are, in part, drawn from these sources; see also the New Oxford History of Music (345) and Pine (19-20).
69 He received payment for an unspecified service as "a Willmo Cornysshe de Rege," (PRO E403/2558 [41v]). See Streitberger (Court Revels 51).
70 An entry of 6 January 1494 refers to him as "oon of the kyngys Chappell" (London, Guildhall Library MS 3,313 [230r]).
71See, for example, "Manerly Margery Mylk and Ale," dated ca. 1495 (Kinsman and Yonge 11, C37) and present in the Fayrfax MS (LFay) of several years later, set by Cornish (96v-99r). "Woffully araid" (Skelton, Garlande of Laurel ll. 1418-9; Kinsman and Yonge 32-3, L118; attributed to Skelton by Dyce, is also found in the Fayrfax MS (LFay) set once Cornish (63v-67r) and once by Browne (73v-77r). Others of Skelton's works (certainly works in the Skeltonic tradition) are present in the Fayrfax MS (LFay); see Stevens (M&P 351 ff., notes).
72 "A Treatis bitwene Trowthe and enformacon" (BL Harleian MS 43 [88r-91v], BL Royal MS 18.D.ii [163r-164r]) was written during Cornish's imprisonment in 1504. His "A Balade of Empson" (London, Guildhall Library 3313 [320v-323v]), which begins "O myshchevous M, Fyrst syllable of thy name," is found in the Great Chronicle of London; see Thomas and Thornley, eds. For a discussion of each, and their relation to Empson, see Anglo's "William Cornish in a Play, Pageants, Prison, and Politics."
73 Cornish was paid £20 "for his iij pagenttes" (PRO E101/415/3 [72v]).
74 PRO E36/210 (80).
75 See Streitberger (Court Revels 53, 94-5) and Grove (4:795).
76 See Streitberger (Court Revels 112-4), Anglo ("Evolution of the Early Tudor Disguising" 34), L&P Henry VIII (III[ii] 1558-9), PRO SP1/29 (228v-37r), and Hall (637).
77 This is no longer extant; see Stevens (M&P 251; 263 n.65, 67), Anglo's "William Cornish in a Play, Pageants, Prison, and Politics," PRO E 36/229 (72r-82r), and Hall (583).
78 See Streitberger (Court Revels 115), Anglo ("William Cornish" 357-60), L&P Henry VIII (III[ii] #2305), Cal. Spanish (II #437), Hall (641), and PRO SP1/24 (231v, 234r-6r); for Cornish's entertainment for Charles V on 5 June, see Strietberger (Court Revels 114), Hall (637), PRO SP1/24 (230v-3v).
79 See Du Saar.
80 See Catherine Brooks ("Busnois").
81 See BL. Add. (7-9), Hamm (64-6; esp. the list of critical works provided on 65), Stevens M&P (386 ff. and elsewhere), and Stevens MCH8, among others.
82 This information has been gathered from personal notes, Beal, W.H. Black (A Descriptive, Analytical, and Critical Catalogue), Bodleian Library (Bodleian MS Catalogues, English Poetry and Music), British Library (Catalogue of Additions to the MSS in the British Museum, 1882-1887), Boffey, Fallows (Catalogue), Hamm, A.H. Hughes (Catalogue of the MS Music in the British Museum), the Illinois Census-Catalogue, M.R. James (A Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS in the Library of Peterhouse), Macray, Madan, Minors, Pollard/STC, Ringler MS, Ringler Print, Smith, and other sources.
Ray Siemens
University of Victoria
Appendix 1: English Lyrics by Occasion/Theme
Lyrics of Courtly / Chivalric Doctrine (Pastime, Love, &c.)
* Pastyme with good companye (The Kynges Ballade) [Henry VIII] (defence thereof) (14v-15r)
* The tyme of youthe is to be spent [Henry VIII] (pastimes, chivalric feats) (28v-29r)
* Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne [Henry VIII] (love, chivalric feats) (39r)
* If love now reynyd as it hath bene [Henry VIII] (love's pursuit, frustrated by envy) (48v-49r)
* Thow that men do call it dotage [Henry VIII] (love's reception, bad lovers criticised) (55v-56r)
* Though sum saith that yough rulyth me [Henry VIII] (support of youthful ways) (71v-73r)
* Whoso that wyll for grace sew [Henry VIII] (truth in love, love as a gift of God) (84v-85r)
* Lusti yough shuld vs ensue [Henry VIII] (virtues of youthful pastimes; allegiance) (94v-97r)
* Let not vs that yongmen be [Unattributed / Henry VIII?] (defence of youth's love) (87v-88r)
Love Lyrics (Various Topics)
* Alas what shall I do for love [Henry VIII] (keeping love, now that it is found) (20v-21r)
* O my hart and o my hart [Henry VIII] (departure) (22v-23r)
* Alac alac what shall I do [Henry VIII] (concern with constancy) (35v)
* Grene growith the holy [Henry VIII] (departure, constancy in love) (37v-38r)
* Wherto shuld I expresse [Henry VIII] (lover's departure, lady's assurance) (51v-52r)
* Departure is my chef payne [Henry VIII] (departure, return) (60v)
* Withowt dyscord [Henry VIII] (love's pain, a prayer for sure love) (68v-69r)
* Adew adew my hartis lust [Cornish] (departure or exile) (23v-24r)
* My loue sche morneth for me [Cornish] (devotion, tale of constancy) (30v-31r)
* A the syghes that cum fro my hart [Cornish] (departure, love's joys) (32v-33r)
* Adew corage adew [Cornish] (departure from love's "corage") (42v)
* Trolly lolly loly lo [Cornish] (pursuit of love, mirth; maying?) (43v-44r)
* A robyn gentyl robyn [Cornish/Wyatt] (debate on constancy of female love) (53v-54r)
* The thowghtes within my brest [Farthing] (departure; service) (29v-30r)
* With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne [Farthing] (departure; pain of leave) (33v-34r)
* I love trewly withowt feynyng [Farthing] (constancy) (44v-45r)
* Alone I leffe alone [Cooper] (absence, solitude; possibly religious) (22r)
* Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart [Cooper] (departure, constancy; answer) (66v-68r)
* Downbery down [Daggere] (exile from lover; disdain) (25r)
* Iff I had wytt for to endyght [Unattributed] (praise of lover; constancy) (34v-35r)
* Hey nony nony nony nony no [Unattributed] (a lover's complaint and consolation) (36r)
* MAdame damours [Unattributed] (praise, loyalty; of K. of Aragon?) (73v-74r)
* Hey troly loly loly [Unattributed] (love, affirmation and constancy) (80r)
* And I war a maydyn [Unattributed] (progress in love; female speaker) (106v-107r)
* Why shall not I [Unattributed] (consideration of truth in love) (107v-108r)
* Wher be ye [Unattributed] (no comfort in the absence of lover) (110v-112r)
* I loue vnloued suche is myn aduenture [Unattributed] (unrequited love) (122v-124r)
* Hey troly loly lo [Unattributed] (attempted seduction, rejection) (124v-128r)
Occasional Lyrics, and those with Topical Reference
* Blow thi hornne hunter [Cornish] (forester song; narrative; 1522?) (39v-40r)
* Yow and I and amyas [Cornish] (allegory; Schatew Vert pageant-disguising, 1522) (45v-46r)
* Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest [Cornish] (K. of Aragon, speaker; of Henry) (54v-55r)
* Aboffe all thynge [Farthing] (royal birth, likely that of 1511) (24v)
* I haue bene a foster [Cooper] (forester song, retiring; 1522?) (65v-66r)
* Whoso that wyll hym selff applye [Rysby] (tournament invitation; pre-1515?] (27v-28r)
* I am a joly foster [Unattributed] (forester song, embracing; 1522?) (69v-71r)
* Adew adew le company [Unattributed] (departure of company; 1511) (74v-75r)
* ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart [Unattributed] (1513 invasion of France) (100v-102r)
* Pray we to god that all may gyde [Unattributed] (1513 invasion of France) (103r)
* What remedy what remedy [Unattributed] (no remedy for love; 1522?) (108v-110r)
Lyrics on Topics Other than those Above
* In may that lusty sesoun [Farthing] (praise of May; birds in song) (26r)
* Deme the best of euery dowt [Lloyd] (moralising couplet) (79v)
* QUid petis o fily [Pygott] (religious; meditation on the Virgin and Christ child) (112v-116r)
* Svmwhat musyng [Fayrfax/Woodville] (meditation on fortune and the world) (120v-122r)
* My thought oppressed my mynd in trouble [Unattributed] (complaint; loss of hope) (116v-120r)
Appendix 2: Notes, References, and Brief Comments on Textual and Musical Witnesses82
Textual Witnesses
CFitz Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum MS 1,005
* A single sheet with two fragments of lyrics and music, from the early sixteenth century. The fragments of Wells, CFitz, and NYDrex are interrelated; see Fallows ("Drexel Fragments" 5-6, 15-16). Formerly known as Fitzwilliam Museum 784. Witness: "Svmwhat musyng" (149): H1,2,3 (120v-122r), LFay1,2,3 (33v-35r), Wells1,2,3 (1r-2r; ll. 28-40 Wells1, ll. 9-40 Wells2), CFitz (1r; ll. 1-9 and 22-3), NYDrex (1r; ll. 1-19).
CGon Cambridge, Gonville & Caius College MS 383/603
* A fifteenth century student's commonplace book, with notes in Latin, French, and English. Witness: None; Cooper's "Alone I leffe alone" (H 22r) listed as as the name of the air for "Wan ic wente byyonde the see" CGon (41).
CPet Cambridge, Peterhouse MS 195
* A collection, chiefly in Latin, of matter by Roger Bacon, Aristotle, Richard of Killington, written fourteenth and fifteenth century hands. Verse, on occasion. Witness: "QUid petis o fily" (147): H1,2,3,4 (112v-116r; ll. 1-9 and 14-19 H3; ll. 1-9 H4), CPet (inside front cover; ll. 1-3).
CTri Cambridge, Trinity College MS O.2.53
* A miscellany of verse and prose in Latin and English, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. All English verse dates from the early sixteenth century. Formerly known as Trinity College MS #1157. Witness: "My loue sche morneth for me" (120): H1 (30v-31r; ll. 1-6 H2,3), CTri (45v; ll. 1-3).
DBla Dublin, Trinity College MS 160
* A composite volume, the first two parts of which contain a lament of the virgin and Peter Idley's Instructions, both from the fifteenth century. Fols. 57-186 contain the Blage MS, a verse miscellany with poetry chiefly by or associated with Wyatt, compiled by John Mantell from ca. 1534-41 and George Blage ca. 1545-48. Witness: None; with relation to Henry's "Alac alac what shall I do" (H 35v), the incipit "Alasse a lasse what shall I doo" is listed as part of the contents of DBla (59r).
EPan Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, Panmure MS 9,450
* Commonplace book of Robert Edward (1616-96) and, prior to that, his father, Alexander of Dundee. The volume consists mainly of songs, psalms, notes, and separate instrumental and poetic items. Formerly known as Panmure MS 11. Witness: None; the music of Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14v-15r), without lyrics, appears in EPan (late sixteenth century) under the heading "Passe tyme withe good companie" (10r).
L1587 London, BL Harleian MS 1587
* A grammar book with exercises in penmanship, dating from the fifteenth century to ca. 1550. Witness: "Deme the best of euery dowt" (140): H1,2,3 (79v), L15871,2 (2/4 16, 212r), OxRawl86 (31), OxHill (200v).
L18752 London, BL Additional MS 18,752
* Latin and English prose and verse from the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries; English verse transcribed from several sources in the 1530s by several hands; many later additions. Witness: None; related handling of "Iff I had wytt for to endyght" (H 34v-35r; L18752 58v).
LDev London, BL Additional MS 17,492
* The Devonshire MS, a verse miscellany containing works by Wyatt and his circle, members of Henry VIII's court, and associated with Henry Fitzroy (Henry VIII's illegitimate son), Mary Shelton, Thomas Howard, Anne Boleyn, and others; it was transcribed in several hands between 1532 and ca. 1539 (with one addition ca. 1562) and includes extracts of Middle English verse, Chaucer among them. Witness: "A robyn gentyl robyn" (132): H1,2,3 (53v-54r; ll. 1-3 H2,3), LDev(1) (22v; ll. 1-7), LDev(2) (24r), LEge (37v). "Iff I had wytt for to endyght" (123): H1,2,3 (34v-35r; ll. 1-5 H2,3), LR58 (5v), LDev (58v).
LEge London, BL Egerton MS 2,711
* The Egerton MS, a collection of English poetry by Wyatt (some in his hand, before his death in 1542) and contemporaries, pre-1588, with ascriptions by Nicholas Grimald ca. 1549, and later Elizabethan additions. Witness: "A robyn gentyl robyn" (132): H1,2,3 (53v-54r; ll. 1-3 H2,3), LDev(1) (22v; ll. 1-7), LDev(2) (24r), LEge (37v).
LFay London, BL Additional MS 5,465
* The Fayrfax MS, compiled 1501-4 by Robert Fayrfax in one hand, possibly that of Fayrfax, likely in London or Windsor. As noted by Bowers, "the book was compiled for use if not within Henry VII's own court itself, then within a closely kindred establishment for which the court of Prince Arthur at Ludlow seems a very likely candidate ("Early Tudor Courtly Song" 195). English lyrics_____carols and songs, religious and secular_____and musical settings by members of Henry VII's court, and seemingly intended for use therein. In the possession of Charles Fairfax (exact relation to R. Fayrfax unknown) until after 1618. Witness: "Svmwhat musyng" (149): H1,2,3 (120v-122r), LFay1,2,3 (33v-35r), Wells1,2,3 (1r-2r; ll. 28-40 Wells1, ll. 9-40 Wells2), CFitz (1r; ll. 1-9 and 22-3), NYDrex (1r; ll. 1-19).
LR58 London, BL Royal Appendix 58
* Collection of liturgical, religious, and secular pieces with musical settings by composers of Henry VIII's court; transcription begun after 1507, continued ca. 1520, completed after 1547, with most ca. 1515-40. Apparently a commonplace book in which several professional musicians associated with the court entered popular or useful pieces. Possibly owned later by Henry Fitzalan, 12th Earl of Arundel (as with H). Witness: "A the syghes that cum fro my hart" (122): H1 (32v-33r; ll. 1-4 H2,3), LR58 (3r). " Blow thi hornne hunter" (127): H1,2,3 (39v-40r; ll.1-6 H2,3), LR58 (7v; ll.1-6). "Downbery down" (119): H1 (25r), LR58 (4v). "Iff I had wytt for to endyght" (123): H1,2,3 (34v-35r; ll. 1-5 H2,3), LR58 (5v), LDev (58v).
LRit London, BL Additional MS 5,665
* The Ritson MS, transcribed with (possibly) the involvement of Thomas Packe shortly before 1511 in one main hand and several others, likely at a Franciscan monastery in Devonshire but designed for lay services, possibly at Exeter Cathedral. Pieces ranging 1470-1510. Latin and English sacred music, French and English secular lyrics with settings, chiefly by members of Henry VII and Henry VIII's court. Witness: "Pastyme with good companye" (116): H1,2,3 (14v-15r; ll. 1-10 H2,3 ), LRit(1)1,2,3 (136v-137r; ll. 1-10), LRit(2)1,2,3 (141v-142r).
LTho London, BL Egerton MS 3,537
* The Thoresby Park Papers, volume 21, a memorandum book of William Rayne compiled 1522-1578. The poems, copied among memoranda and exercises, are ca. 1553-4. Witness: "And I war a maydyn" (145): H1,2,3,4,5 (106v-107r; ll. 1-4 H2,3,4,5), LTho (59r; ll. 1-4).
LVes London, BL Cotton MS Vespasian A.xii
* Joannis Rossi Warwicensis historia, a Bruto ad tempora Henrici VII; viz. ad nativitatem Principis Arthuri, filii primogeniti Regis illius, anno 1486." Witness: Robbins (Index & Suppl. 3193.5) notes that a witness to "Svmwhat musyng" (H 120v-122r) appears in LVes (170v), but this editor has been unable to locate that witness as per Robbins' directions.
NYDrex New York Public Library, Drexel MS 4,185
* Part-books of seventeenth century songs, the bindings of which contain fragments of texts and settings copied ca. 1525 - 1550. The fragments of Wells, CFitz, and NYDrex are interrelated; see Fallows ("Drexel Fragments" 5-6, 15-16). Witness: "Svmwhat musyng" (149): H1,2,3 (120v-122r), LFay1,2,3 (33v-35r), Wells1,2,3 (1r-2r; ll. 28-40 Wells1, ll. 9-40 Wells2), CFitz (1r; ll. 1-9 and 22-3), NYDrex (1r; ll. 1-19).
OxAsh Oxford, Bodleian MS Ashmole 176
* The third part of a composite volume from the papers of Elias Ashmole and William Lily. A collection of poems, most composed in the 1520s, were copied ca. 1525-50. Witness: "Adew adew my hartis lust" (118): H1,2,3 (23v-24r), OxAsh (100r).
OxEP Oxford, Bodleian MS English Poetry E.1
* Carols and songs, religious and other, in English, macaronic English and Latin, and Latin alone, copied ca. 1525-50 (Boffey) or 1460-80 (Madan 29734). Possibly collected for use by a professional minstrel. Witness: None; "And I war a maydyn" (H 106v-107r): "Swet Iesu is cum to vs / this good tym of crystmas" (OxEP 45v-47v; Greene #93) is stated to be "A song in the tune of / And y were a mayden."
OxHill Oxford, Balliol College MS 354
* Commonplace book of Richard Hill, a grocer in London, containing English and Latin prose, verse, historical and familial materials. Fols. 7-178v were copied between 1503-4, the remainder between then and 1536. Authors copied include Lydgate, Chaucer, Gower, and Dunbar; many traditional and anonymous lyrical works, such as "The Nutbrown Maid." Witness: "Deme the best of euery dowt" (140): H1,2,3 (79v), L15871,2 (2/4 16, 212r), OxRawl86 (31), OxHill (200v).
OxRawl86 Oxford, Bodleian Rawlinson C.86
* A collection of English and Latin prose and verse, including The Northern Passion (a translation of the introduction to Higden's Polychronicon) and Middle English verse (Lydgate, Chaucer, and others) on morals subjects and others transcribed in the late fifteenth century. Verse, unconnected with that of the rest of the manuscript, is entered on fol. 31 in an early sixteenth century hand. Item 30 (fol. 155v-156r), is a poem with incipit "Myne hert is set uppon a lusty pynne," attributable to Henry VII's wife, Elizabeth of York. Witness: "Deme the best of euery dowt" (140): H1,2,3 (79v), L15871,2 (2/4 16, 212r), OxRawl86 (31), OxHill (200v).
PBLe Legenda aurea.
* Jacobus de Voragine, translated and printed in 1493, likely by Caxton. [Huntington Printed Book 69798; Pollard/STC 24875]. On fol. gg4v, there are extracts of poems copied ca. 1500-1525. Witness: "O my hart and o my hart" (118): H1,2,3 (22v-23r), PBLe (gg4v).
Wells Wells Cathedral Library, Music MSS: Fayrfax Fragment
* An end paper in a law book, discovered ca. 1880. The fragments of Wells, CFitz, and NYDrex are interrelated; see Fallows ("Drexel Fragments" 5-6, 15-16). Witness: "Svmwhat musyng" (149): H1,2,3 (120v-122r), LFay1,2,3 (33v-35r), Wells1,2,3 (1r-2r; ll. 28-40 Wells1, ll. 9-40 Wells2), CFitz (1r; ll. 1-9 and 22-3), NYDrex (1r; ll. 1-19).
Musical Witnesses
* Am162 Amiens, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 162: Collection of sacred music (with one secular Italian piece), copied ca. 1500, presumably French in origin. Witness: "Dulcis amica" (117v).
* B22 Basel, Universitätsbibliothek MS F.IX.22: The Kotter lute tablature copied by Hans Kotter and others, ca. 1513-32. Witness: "Benedictus" (#17).
* B32 Basel, Universitätsbibliothek MS k.k II.32: A 1510 imprint, Vanzoni nove con alcune scelte . . . (Andrea Antico), which contains a manuscript fragment. Witness: "Benedictus" (43v; in 4 voices).
* Br228 Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, MS 228: Large quarto songbook, originating in the Franco-Flemish court area ca. 1516-23 and with connections to Margaret of Austria. Witness: "Ffors solemant" (17v-18r).
* Br11239 Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, MS 11,239: Songbook with contents in the Franco-Netherlandic tradition, likely compiled in the court of Philibert II le Beau, in Savoy, ca. 1500. Witness: "Alles regretz" (2v-4r).
* B78.B.17 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Preussischer Kulturbesitz Kupferstichksabinett MS 78.B.17: The chansonnier of Cardinal de Rohan, a small poetry manuscript, copied ca. 1470, likely in Paris. Witnesses: "De tous bien plane" (184r-v; text only); "Iay pryse amours" (160r; text only).
* B40021 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Preussischer Kulturbesitz Musikabteilung MS 40,021: Songbook with chiefly Germanic sacred music, compiled ca. 1485-1500. Witness: "Benedictus" (110v-111r [full Missa Quant J'ai au Cueur 103r-112r]).
* BQ16 Bologna, Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale, MS Q16: Songbook, with contents in the Franco-Netherlandic tradition, compiled in Florence or Naples ca. 1487-90. Witness: "Fortune esperee" (117v-118r); "De tous bien plane" (133v-134r); "Iay pryse amours" (138v-139r).
* BQ17 Bologna, Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale, MS Q17: A songbook with contents in the Franco-Netherlandic tradition, compiled in or around Florence in ca. mid-1490s. Witness: "Alles regretz" (30v-31r).
* BQ18 Bologna, Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale, MS Q18: Songbook, copied in Northern Italy (Bologna or Mantua) ca.1502-6. Witness: "Benedictus" (63v-64r; in 4 voices); "De tous bien plane" (48r).
* C291 Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, MS Thott 291: The Copenhagen Chansonnier, copied ca. 1470 in the Loire Valley. Witnesses: "De tous bien plane" (4v-5r).
* C1848 Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, Ny. Kgl. Samlung, MS 1,848bis: Songbook, copied ca. 1520-5, likely in Lyons. Witnesses: "Alles regretz" (414); "Dulcis amica" (413); "Ffors solemant" (102-3); "En frolyk weson" ["Qu'en dictes vous"] (373, 418); "La season" (396).
* CaP1760 Cambridge, Magdalene College, MS Pepys 1,760: A chansonnier likely belonging at one time to Prince Arthur, Henry VIII's elder brother; copied ca. 1503-, in France. Witnesses: "Dulcis amica" (2r); "Ffors solemant" (58v-60r).
* Cb124-8 Cambrai, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 124-8: Songbook, likely copied in Bruges, 1542. Witness: "Dulcis amica" (133v).
* CCap Chicago, Newberry Library, Capirola Lute MS: A lute book containing the compositions of Vincenzo Capirola, copied likely in Venice ca. 1517. Capirola may have visited the English court ca. 1515 (Grove 5.91), and it is possible that one or more parts of this book were presented to Henry VIII ca. 1527-9 (see Slim). Witnesses: "Alles regretz" (#21); "Dulcis amica" (16-17); "De tous bien plane" (20v-22r).
* CT3.b.12 Cape Town, South African Library, MS Grey 3.b.12: A mixed secular and religious songbook, ca. 1500 from northern Italy. Witnesses: "Fortune esperee" (79v-80r); "De tous bien plane" (84v-85r).
* Di517 Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale MS 517: Songbook, likely originating in the Loire Valley ca. 1470. Witnesses: "De tous bien plane" (11v-12r); "Iay pryse amours" (2r).
* Fl107 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magliabecchiana XIX.107bis: Songbook, compiled in Florence post-1503, likely ca. 1510-13. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (20v); "Alles regretz" (43v-44r).
* Fl117 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magliabecchiana XIX.117: Songbook, of composite construction, chiefly in Florence ca. 1515 (perhaps also in Rome and Paris). Witness: "Alles regretz" (38v-39r).
* Fl121 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magliabecchiana XIX.121: The chansonnier of Marietta Pugi, compiled in Florence ca. 1510. Witness: "Fortune esperee" (25v-26r); "De tous bien plane" (24v-25r).
* Fl178 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magliabecchiana XIX.178: Songbook compiled in Florence, ca. 1490s. Witnesses: "Alles regretz" (42v-43r); "La season" (26v-27r); "De tous bien plane" (34v-35r).
* Fl229 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Banco Raro 229: Songbook, compiled in Florence ca. 1492. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (9v-10r); "Alles regretz" (242v-243r).
* FlC2439 Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio Luigi Cherubini, MS 2,439: Songbook, copied ca. 1508 in Brussells. Witness: "Adew mes amours et mon desyre" (LXIIIIv-LXVr; LXVv-LXVIr); "Belle sur tautes" (63v-64r).
* FlP27 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Panciatichi MS 27: Songbook, compiled in northern Italy (likely Mantua) in the late fiteenth - early sixteenth century, and later circulated in Florence. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (17v-18r; in 4 voices); "Fortune esperee" (22v-23r); "Alles regretz" (97v-98r); "Iay pryse amours" (41v).
* FlR2356 Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 2,356: Songbook copied in Florence ca. 1480-5. Witness: "Alles regretz" (91v-92r); "De tous bien plane" (26v-27r).
* FlR2794 Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 2,794: Songbook, copied, in stages, during the 1480s. Witness: "Alles regretz" (58v-59r); "De tous bien plane" (18v-19r); "La season" (66v-67r).
* Fr20 Frankfurt am Main, Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek, Fragm. Lat. VII 20: Three parchment quarto binding-leaves, ca. 1500, at the back and front of Thomas Aquinas' Summa Theologia 2.1 (Venice: de Ragazonibus, 1490). Witnesses: "Fortune esperee" (1r).
* Heil Heilbronn, Stadtarchiv, Musiksammlung MS X.2: Partbook copied ca. 1550, likely in Frankfurt. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (#9; bass only); "Adew mes amours et mon desyre" (10r; bass only).
* J31 Jena, Universitätsbibliothek, MS 31: Massbook, copied ca. 1500-20 in Wittenburg. Witness: "Benedictus" (full Missa Quant J'ai au Cueur 36v-50r).
* L35087 London, British Library Additional MS 35,087: A collection of motets and chansons from composers associated with the Netherlands school, copied perhaps at Bruges ca. 1505-6. Witnesses: "Fortune esperee" (11v-12r); "Dulcis amica" (61v-62r); "Ffors solemant" (80v-81r).
* LCA.xxvi London, BL Cotton MS Titus A.xxvi: Collection, compiled in stages in northern Italy, the first (ff. 20-60) ca. 1420, with additions 1444-9. Witness: "En frolyk weson" ["Se une fois avant que mourir"] (4v-5r).
* Le1494 Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, MS 1,494: Mixed songbook from the collection of Magister Nikolaus Apel von Könighofen and possibly compiled at U Leipzig, ca. 1490-1504. Witnesses: "Fortune esperee" (62r, 162v).
* LH5242 London, British Library Harley MS 5,242: Songbook of chiefly secular pieces, copied in France ca. 1509-14. Witness: "Adew mes amours et mon desyre" (30v-32r).
* Li529 Linz, Bundesstaatliche Studienbibliothek, MS 529: A collection of formerly-bound fragments, copied ca. 1490, likely in Innsbruck. Witnesses: "Iay pryse amours" (1r, 5r).
* LLa380 London, British Library Lansdowne MS 380: Miscellany, chiefly in French, copied early sixteenth century. Witness: "Ffors solemant" (251r); "Iay pryse amours" (242v).
* LR20 London, British Library Royal 20 A.XVI: Songbook originating in French royal circles ca. 1483-1500. Witness: "Alles regretz" (20v-21).
* M2268 Milan, Archivio della Fabbrica del Duomo Mus 2,268: Choirbook copied in Milan ca. 1490-1500 for use in the catherdral. Witness: "Benedictus" (150v-151r [full Missa Quant J'ai au Cueur 144v-151r]).
* Mo871 Montecassino, Biblioteca dell'Abbazia MS 871: A mixed choirbook, likely originating in Naples ca. 1478-80. Witnesses: "De tous bien plane" (#85).
* Mu326 Munich, Universitätsbibliothek 8 Cod. MS 326: A collection of mixed sacred and secular pieces, likely copied in Augsburg ca. 1543. Witness: "Dulcis amica" (13v).
* Mu1516 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. MS 1,516: A collection of mixed sacred and secular pieces, likely copied in Augsburg ca. 1540. Witness: "Ffors solemant" (#29).
* NH91 New Haven, Yale U, Bieneke Library for Rare Books and Manuscripts, MS 91: The Mellon Chansonnier, copied ca. 1475 in Naples in the Burgundian tradition. Witnesses: "De tous bien plane" (42v-43r).
* P676 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS 676: Songbook compiled October 1502, at Mantua or Ferrara. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (77v-78r); "Fortune esperee" (24v-25r); "De tous bien plane" (42v-43r).
* P1597 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, f. fr. MS 1,597: The Lorraine Chansonnier, copied ca. 1500-, perhaps for a duke of Lorraine. Witnesses: "Alles regretz" (11v-12r); "Dulcis amica" (4v-5r); "Ffors solemant" (36v-37r; 60v-61r); "La season" (21v-22r).
* P1719 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, f. fr. MS 1,719: Collection of French poetry, likely ca. mid-1480s, bound ca. 1495-1501. Witnesses: "Alles regretz" (30v, 144v); "Ffors solemant" (34r).
* P1722 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, f. fr. MS 1,722: A collection connected to Margaret d'Orléans (sister of Francis I), perhaps originating in Cognac, post-1500. Witnesses: "Belle sur tautes"; "La season" (73r).
* P2245 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, f. fr. MS 2,245: Songbook, likely prepared for Louis D'Orléans, copied ca. 1490s. Witnesses: "Alles regretz" (17v-18r); "Dulcis amica" (31v-32r); "La season" (12v-13r).
* P2973 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Rothschild 2,973: Chansonnier of Jean de Montchenu, an elegant, heart-shaped songbook, copied ca. mid-1470s, perhaps in Geneva. Witnesses: "De tous bien plane" (25v-26r); "Iay pryse amours" (23v-24r).
* P9346 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, f. fr. MS 9,346: The Chansonnier de Bayeux, with contents ca. 1450-95 and dedication to Charles de Bourbon, who assumed control of his household at 13 in 1503. Witnesses: "H Elas madam cel que ie metant" (44v-45r).
* P10660 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, nouv. acq. fr. MS 10,660: A single-leaf fragment, ca. 1420-30. Witnesses: "En frolyk weson" ["Se une fois avant que mourir"] (47r).
* P12744 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, f. fr. MS 12,744: Songbook, likely post-1500; strong content overlap with P9346. Witnesses: "Gentyl prince de renom" ["Gentil duc de Lorainne, prince de grant renom"] (97r).
* P15123 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, f. fr. MS 15,123: The Chansonnier Pixérécourt, copied perhaps ca. mid-1480s in Florence. Witnesses: "De tous bien plane" (105v-106r); "Iay pryse amours" (21v-22r).
* Pa9822/3 Paderborn, Erzbischöflische Akademische Bibliothek, Fürstenbergiana, MS 9,822/23: A two-part collection vocal pieces, ca. 1550. Witness: "Ffors solemant" (23r-24r).
* Pav362 Pavia, Biblioteca Universitaria MS Aldini 362: Songbook, copied ca. 1460s? in Piedmont or Savoy. Witnesses: "De tous bien plane" (34v-35r).
* PBA31 Pierre Attaingnant, Treze Motetz Musicaulx avec ung Prelude: A lute tablature, printed 1531. Witness: "Dulcis amica" (106v-107v).
* PBCan Ottaviano Petrucci, Canti C Numero Cento Ciquanta: Printed collection of 1504 (Venice). Witnesses: "Fortune esperee" (126v-127r); "Belle sur tautes" (161v-162r); "Iay pryse amours" (89v-90r).
* PBCha A. Antico and L.A. Giunta, Chansons a troys: Printed collection of 1520 (Venice). Witness: "Ffors solemant" (4r-v, 52v-53r; 10v-11r, 60r-v). References: 229.
* PBFm Hieronymus Formschneider, Trium Vocum Carmina: Printed collection of three part books containing 100 textless pieces, of 1538 (Nuremberg). Witnesses: "Benedictus" (#30); "Alles regretz" (#7); "Belle sur tautes" (#84); "Ffors solemant" (#31; #46).
* PBG33 Hans Gerle, Tabulatur auff die Laudten: Printed collection of intabulations, 1533 (Nurenberg). Witness: "Alles regretz" (#34).
* PBIsa Ottaviano Petrucci, Misse Henrici Izac: Printed collection of 1506 (Venice). Witness: "Benedictus" (B1v, F1v , G4v [full Missa Quant J'ai au Cueur, in the three voices, Aa7r-BbB2v, EeE7v-FfF2r, GgG6v-HhHr]).
* PBJard Le Jardin de plaisance et fleur rethoricque: Print collection of poetry, mostly lyrics, of 1501 (Paris [Antoine Verard]). Witnesses: "Iay pryse amours" (71v).
* PBLau Ottaviano Petrucci, Laude Libro Secondo: Printed collection of 1507 (Venice). Witness: "Dulcis amica" (20r).
* PBLiv Guillame Vorsterman, Livre Plaisant et Tres Utile: Printed collection of 1529 (Antwerp). Witness: "En frolyk weson" ["Mes ieuix ont veu une plaisant figure"] (D1r-D2v).
* PBMiss Pierre Attaingnant and H. Jullet, Missarum Musicalium Quatuor Vocum cum Suis Motetis. Liber Tertius: Printed collection of 1540 (Paris). Witness: "Dulcis amica" (4v).
* PBMot Andrea Antico, Motetti et Carmina Gallica: Printed collection of 1521 (Rome). Witness: "Dulcis amica" (16v).
* PBN36 Hans Newsidler, Ein Newgeordnet Künstlich Lautenbuch: A lute tablature, printed 1536 (Nurenberg). Witness: "Benedictus" (#49).
* PBOdh Ottaviano Petrucci, Harmonice Musices Odhecaton A: Printed chansonnier of 1501 (Venice). Witnesses: "Benedictus" (82v-83r); "Alles regretz" (62v-63r; 53v-54r [Agricola]); "Gentyl prince de renom" (95r); "De tous bien plane" (22v-23r).
* PBP504 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Rés. 504: Compiled by Christian Egenolff, a collection printed ca. 1535 (Frankfurt); three part books without title page. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (3, #46); "Alles regretz" (3, #26); "Adew mes amours et mon desyre" (3, #LXVII; bass only); "Ffors solemant" (1, #31; 3, #51).
* PBPre A. Le Roy and R. Ballard, Premier Livre de Chansons: Printed collection of 1578 (Paris). Witness: "Ffors solemant" (12v-13r).
* PBRha Georg Rhaw, Symphoniae Iucundae atque adeo breves quatuor vocum: Printed collection of 1538 (Wittenberg). Witness: "Dulcis amica" (#3).
* PBS07 Francesco Spinacino, Intabulatura de Lauto: Two book (Libro Primo, Libro Secondo) of a lute tablature, printed by Ottavio Petrucci (Venice, 1507). Witnesses: "Benedictus" (I #2); "Fortune esperee" (I #29); "De tous bien plane" (I #19); "Iay pryse amours" (I #12, II #8).
* PBTie A. Le Roy and R. Ballard, Tiers Livre de Chansons: Printed collection of 1553 (Paris). Witness: "Ffors solemant" (#11).
* PBTre Pierre Attaingnant, Trez Breve et Familiere Introduction pour Entendre & Apprendre . . . du Lutz: A lute book of 1529-30 (Paris). Witness: "Dulcis amica" (7v-8r).
* PBTri J. Petreius Trium Vocum cantiones: Printed collection of 1541 (Nuremberg). Witness: "Ffors solemant" (#73).
* Pe431 Perugia, Biblioteca Comunale, MS 431: Songbook, copied in Naples ca. 1490. Witness: "Fortune esperee" (93v-94r [entered and then deleted], 94v-95r); "De tous bien plane" (70v-71r); "Iay pryse amours" (75v-76r).
* Ps1144 Pesaro, Biblioteca Comunale Oliveriana, MS 1,144 (Formerly 1,193): Heart-shaped lute tablature, copied in Italy ca. 1500, in the French tradition. Witnesses: "Fortune esperee" (25-7, 31-5); "De tous bien plane" (65-8); "Iay pryse amours" (61-5).
* PT1 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Music, Rés. Vmd MS 27: Lute tablature collection, probably Venetian ca. 1505-10. Witness: "Benedictus" (#14, #109); "Fortune esperee" (#103).
* R940/41 Regensburg, Bischoeflich Proske'sche Musikbibliothek MS A.R.940-941: Partbooks of sacred and secular music, copied in Wittenberg and Regensberg, mid-sixteenth century. Witness: "Benedictus" (#190).
* RC2856 Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, MS 2,856: Songbook compiled in Ferrara ca. 1480-90. Witnesses: "Fortune esperee" (147v-149r); "Alles regretz" (96v-98r); "La season" (73v-74r); "De tous bien plane" (66v-67r).
* RG27 Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Giulia MS XIII.27: The Capella Giulia Chansonnier, compiled for Giuliano de' Medici in Florence ca. 1492-4. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (50v-51r / 57v-58r); "Fortune esperee" (56v-57r / 63v-64r); "Alles regretz" (20v-21r / 27v-28r; 71v-72r / 78v-79r [Agricola]); "Ffors solemant" (97v-98r / 104v-105r); "En frolyk weson" ["Se une fois avant que mourir"] (9v / 16v); "De tous bien plane" (64v-65r); "Iay pryse amours" (59v-60r).
* RS35 Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Sistina MS 35: Songbook, copied for use in the chapel, 1487-90, with additions 1492-9. Witness: "Benedictus" (34v-35r [full Missa Quant J'ai au Cueur 28v-37v]).
* S/P Seville, Biblioteca Colombina, MS 5-I-43 / Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, nouv. acq. frç., MS 4,379: Songbook, compiled possibly ca. 1480 in Naples. Fos. 1-42 are in Paris. Witness: "Fortune esperee" (n11v-n12r); "De tous bien plane" (n39r); "Iay pryse amours" (h8v-h9r; o1v-o2r).
* SAM Segovia, Catedral, Archivo Musical MS s.s: Choirbook of secular and sacred music, copied in Spain (likely for the court, at Segovia) ca. 1500-3. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (full Missa Quant J'ai au Cueur 45v-54r; in 4 voices); "Fortune esperee" (115v-116r, 174r, 182r); "Alles regretz" (163v); "Ffors solemant" (92r); "Iay pryse amours" (118v).
* SG461 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 461: The Sicher Liederbuch, copied post-1510, likely in St. Gall. Witness: "Alles regretz" (82-3 [Agricola]); "Ffors solemant" (2-3; 8-9).
* SG462 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 462: The Heer Liederbuch, copied in Paris ca. 1510 and later, containing mostly Germanic songs of the early 16th century. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (7v-8r; in 4 voices); "Fortune esperee" (20r-21r); "Dulcis amica" (9r); "Belle sur tautes" (37r); "En frolyk weson" ["Ein frolich wesen"] (28v-29r); "La season" (93r).
* SG463 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 463: The Tschudi Liederbuch, an anthology of Swiss origin, ca. 1540. Witnesses: "Fortune esperee" (#144); "Dulcis amica" (#140); "Ffors solemant" (#46); "En frolyk weson" ["Ein frolich wesen"] (#153).
* T27 Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, Riserva Musicale, MS I.27: Songbook copied in Piedmont in the early sixteenth century. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (35r); "Alles regretz" (12v); "Dulcis amica" (35v).
* T/Br Tournai, Bibliotheque de la Ville, MS 94 / Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, MS IV.90: Partbooks, copied in Bruges in 1511. Witnesses: "Alles regretz" (#1); "Ffors solemant" (22r-v / 22v-23r); "En frolyk weson" ["Een vraulic wesen"] (15v-16r; 26v-27r).
* Tu26 Tübingen, Universitätsbibliothek, Bln. Keller, MS 4 Z 26 (now Berlin Staatsbibliothek MS Mus. 40026): Organ tablature, compiled by L Klaber in Pfzorheim, 1521-24. Witnesses: "En frolyk weson" ["Ein frolich wesen"] (26v).
* U237 Ulm, Bibliothek der Von Schermar'schen Familienstiftung MS 237: Songbook, central German in origin, ca. 1530-40. Witness: "Benedictus" (22r, 20r-20v, 21r-21v).
* Up76a Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, MS 76a: Anthology of Franco-Flemish songs, copied ca. 1500 (1490-1520) in south-west France (Toulouse or Lyon). Witness: "Alles regretz" (1r); "Dulcis amica" (55v-56r); "De tous bien plane" (15v-16r).
* Up76e Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, MS 76e: Songbook of ca. 1500 with origin in Frauenberg. Witness: "Benedictus" (#3).
* V757 Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare MS 757: Songbook, without text, compiled likely in northern Italy ca. 1490. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (29v-30r; in 4 voices); "Alles regretz" (28v-29r).
* V11883 Vienna, Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Handschriften-und Inkunabelsammlung, MS 11,883: Sacred songbook, likely copied ca. 1500-30 in the Low Countries for the Netherlandic court. Witness: "Benedictus" (full Missa Quant J'ai au Cueur 42v-51r).
* W287 Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, MS Guelf. 287 Extrav.: The Wolfenbüttel Chansonnier, a songbook copied ca. 1467, likely in the Loire Valley. Witnesses: "De tous bien plane" (52v-53r); "Iay pryse amours" (37v-38r).
* W2016 Warsaw, Uniwersitiet, Muziekolowskiego Institut MS mf. 2016 (Formerly Breslau, Musikalisches Institut bei der Universitaet, MS 2016, and Breslau, Biblioteca Uniwersytecka MS, 58.): Songbook copied ca. 1500 in the region of the Silesian-Bohemian border. Witness: "Benedictus" (55v-56r).
* WLab Washington, Library of Congress MS M 2.1 L25 Case: The Laborde Chansonnier, copied in the Loire Valley, ca. 1465-80s. Witnesses: "Alles regretz" (140v-142r); "Dulcis amica" (139v-140r); "Ffors solemant" (99v-100r); "La season" (142v-143r); "De tous bien plane" (62v-63r); "Iay pryse amours" (31v-32r).
* WWlf Washington, Library of Congress MS M 2.1.M.6: The Wolffheim Fragment, compiled in northern Italy ca. 1495; originally part of BL Egerton MS 3051. Witness: "Benedictus" (88v-89r).
* Zw78 Zwickau, Ratschulbibliothek MS 78/3: Three partbooks, copied Zwickau post-1520 (?1535-45) likely from PBOdh. Witnesses: "Benedictus" (3, #9); "Fortune esperee" (2, #54); "Alles regretz" (#11).
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Copyright Matthew Steggle, Editor, EMLS Jan 2009
Abstract
The Henry VIII Manuscript (BL Additional MS 31,922; hereafter referred to as H), one of only three large songbooks surviving from the period, is notable for many reasons, but chief among them is its intimate connection with Henry's early court and, within, its exemplification of the social fictions developed and elaborated by Henry and his early contemporaries, specifically that of courtly love and the elements of spectacle and regal power that Henry brought to it.4 It provides a rare witness to the fictions the early Tudor court literati constructed and upheld, and the even rarer opportunity of examining the light, earlier lyrical works of a figure better known for his later reforms, secular and religious alike. Hitherto unedited in a form intended for a literary audience, the lyrics of the Henry VIII MS thus constitute a document that contributes considerably to our critical understanding of the connections between music, poetry and power in early Renaissance society_____because of the prominence of its chief author and composer, the King himself, and also because of its literary reflection of the social and political elements of the early Tudor court. The lyrics themselves will appear soon in an edition published by the Renaissance English Text Society, but the matter of the text itself and its relation to the larger context of the literary and musicological study of this manuscript will not be addressed at length in that edition; this note attempts to provide that material, bringing forward aspects of our understanding of the text of the manuscript from the previous generation of scholars to the current one, toward a greater understanding of the social, cultural, literary and musicological understanding of the text of H. Description of the Lyrics 4. Predominantly secular in tone, the lyrics contained in the Henry VIII MS chiefly reflect a lively and light court atmosphere, and a court culture whose influence echoed from the public sphere associated with Henry VIII and his entourage into the more private court circles of Wyatt6 and others further removed from the centre of court activity.7 The lyrics themselves are as follows: * Benedictus [Isaac] (Incipit) (3v-4r) * Fortune esperee [Busnois] (Incipit) (4v-5r) * Alles regretz uuidez dema presence [van Ghizeghem / Jean II of Bourbon] (Incipit) (5v-6r) * En frolyk weson [Barbireau] (Incipit) (6v-7r) * Pastyme with good companye, Henry VIII (14v-15r) * Adew mes amours et mon desyre, Cornish (15v-17r) * Adew madam et ma mastress, Henry VIII (17v-18r) * HElas madam cel que ie metant, Henry VIII (18v-19r) * Alas what shall I do for love, Henry VIII (20v-21r) * Hey nowe nowe, Kempe (Incipit) (21v) * Alone I leffe alone, Cooper (22r) * O my hart and o my hart, Henry VIII (22v-23r) * Adew adew my hartis lust, Cornish (23v-24r) * Aboffe all thynge, Farthing (24v) * Downbery down, Daggere (25r) * Hey now now, Farthing (25v) * In may that lusty sesoun, Farthing (26r) * Whoso that wyll hym selff applye, Rysby (27v-28r) * The tyme of youthe is to be spent, Henry VIII (28v-29r) * The thowghtes within my brest, Farthing (29v-30r) * My loue sche morneth for me, Cornish (30v-31r) * A the syghes that cum fro my hart, Cornish (32v-33r) * With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne, Farthing (33v-34r) * Iff I had wytt for to endyght [Unattributed] (34v-35r) * Alac alac what shall I do, Henry VIII (35v) * Hey nony nony nony nony no [Unattributed] (Incipit) (36r) * Grene growith the holy, Henry VIII (37v-38r) * Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne, Henry VIII (38v-39r) * Blow thi hornne hunter, Cornish (39v-40r) * De tous bien plane [van Ghizegehem] (Incipit) (40v-41r) * Iay pryse amours [Unattributed] (Incipit) (41v-42r) * Adew corage adew, Cornish (42v) * Trolly lolly loly lo, Cornish (43v-44r) * I love trewly withowt feynyng, Farthing (44v-45r) * Yow and I and amyas, Cornish (45v-46r) * Ough warder mount [Unattributed] (Incipit) (46v-47r) * La season [Compère / Agricola] (Incipit) (47v-48r) * If love now reynyd as it hath bene, Henry VIII (48v-49r) * Gentyl prince de renom, Henry VIII (Incipit) (49v-50r) * Sy fortune mace bien purchase [Unattributed] (50v-51r) * Wherto shuld I expresse, Henry VIII (51v-52r) * A robyn gentyl robyn, Cornish [Wyatt] (53v-54r) * Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest, Cornish (54v-55r) * Thow that men do call it dotage, Henry VIII (55v-56r) * Departure is my chef payne, Henry VIII (60v) * It is to me a ryght gret Ioy, Henry VIII (Incipit) (61r) * I haue bene a foster, Cooper (65v-66r) * Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart, Cooper (66v-68r) * Withowt dyscord, Henry VIII (68v-69r) * I am a joly foster [Unattributed] (69v-71r) * Though sum saith that yough rulyth me [Henry VIII] (71v-73r) * MAdame damours [Unattributed] (73v-74r) * Adew adew le company [Unattributed] (74v-75r) * Deme the best of euery dowt, Lloyd (79v) * Hey troly loly loly [Unattributed] (80r) * Taunder Naken, Henry VIII (Incipit) (82v-84r) * Whoso that wyll for grace sew, Henry VIII (84v-85r) * En vray Amoure, Henry VIII (86v-87r) * Let not vs that yongmen be [Unattributed] (87v-88r) * Dulcis amica [Prioris] (Incipit) (88v-89r) * Lusti yough shuld vs ensue, Henry VIII (94v-97r) * Now [Unattributed] (98r) * Belle sur tautes [Agricola] (Incipit) (99v-100r) * ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart [Unattributed] (100v-102r) * Pray we to god that all may gyde [Unattributed] (103r) * Ffors solemant, [de Févin, after Ockeghem] (Incipit) (104v-105r) * And I war a maydyn [Unattributed] (106v-107r) * Why shall not I [Unattributed] (107v-108r) * What remedy what remedy [Unattributed] (108v-110r) * Wher be ye [Unattributed] (110v-112r) * QUid petis o fily, Pygott (112v-116r) * My thought oppressed my mynd in trouble [Unattributed] (116v-120r) * Svmwhat musyng [Fayrfax / Woodville] (120v-122r) * I loue vnloued suche is myn aduenture [Unattributed] (122v-124r) * Hey troly loly lo [Unattributed] (124v-128r) Description of the Manuscript 5.
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