Invoking the esoteric Buddhist deity Fudo for rebirth is a lesser known aspect in the development of Pure Land worship. Fudo was invoked by reciting his incantation as a deathbed practice to attain proper mindfulness at death allowing rebirth into the Pure Land, particularly Miroku's Heaven, from the late Heian into the Kamakura period. The association of Fudo and Miroku's Heaven extends back to the Tendai monk Soo (ninth century), and invoking Fudo for rebirth was practiced by such notables as Emperor Shirakawa and the Kegon monk Myoe. Fudo was incorporated into Miroku Raigo paintings from the end of the twelfth century into the fourteenth century, probably as a last recourse by the traditional schools of Buddhism to the rising popularity of Amida worship and easy access to Amida's Pure Land through the nenbutsu.
KEYWORDS: Fudo - Raigo - Acalanatha - Myoe - Miroku - Soo - Maitreya - Genshin - Tosotsu - anjin - Tusita - jikushu
(ProQuest Information and Learning: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)
INVOKING the esoteric Buddhist deity Fudo for rebirth is a lesser known aspect in the complex development of Pure Land worship in Japan. As is well known, Fudo is a manifestation of the cosmic Buddha Dainichi ... (Sk. Mahavairocana) sent to assist Buddhist practitioners and to arrest those who would impede the Buddhist path. Nevertheless, he was also invoked for rebirth in the heaven where Miroku (Sk. Maitreya) resides, and was also incorporated into Raigo paintings. Reviewing the process by which Fudo was incorporated into Pure Land worship reveals alternative developments within Pure Land worship and the subtle influence of esotericism even within the mainstream Tendai tradition.
The earliest recorded association of Fudo and Miroku's Heaven began with the Tendai priest Soo ... (831-918) who, according to legend, was carried to Miroku's Heaven by Fudo (Uji shui monogatari ... 193: 15/8, SNKBT 42: 386). By the twelfth century, Fudo was being invoked for proper mindfulness at the moment of death (shonen rinju ...) by members of the court nobility such as Emperor Horikawa ... (1079-1107, r. 1086-1107) and Emperor Shirakawa ... (1053-1129, r. 1072-1086). In the late twelfth century to thirteenth century, legends of the efficacy of Fudo's "Mantra of Compassionate Help" for removing the hindrances at death were recorded in collections of tales such as the Hosshinshu ... and Shasekishu .... Depictions of Miroku Raigo paintings that included Fudo in their composition began in the twelfth century and continued into the fourteenth century. The production of Miroku Raigo with Fudo may well have been a response by the Nara schools of Buddhism to the challenge of the rising popularity of the new Kamakura schools that promoted easy access to Amida's Pure Land. Myoe ... (1173-1232) himself, who wrote the Saijyarin ... criticizing Honen's Senchakushu ... on Amida's Original Vow and the nenbutsu, also had Fudo's "Mantra of Compassionate Help" invoked for him on his deathbed. This paper will look at these historical developments to help clarify the role of Japanese Fudo worship in the aspiration for rebirth in Miroku's heaven, in order to understand Fudo's somewhat unexpected appearance in Miroku Raigo paintings.
Description of Fudo
Fudo ..., also written Mudo ..., is a literal translation of the Sanskrit Acala, which means "not-moving" in the full sense of the word "steadfast." Fudo is also referred to as a Myoo ... (Sk. Vidyaraja, "Mantra King"). In the oldest sections of the first extant tantric text, the Mañjusrimulakalpa, vidyaraja refers to a personified incantation emanating from a Buddha (see J. Przyluski [1923], 313, note 1, cited in MEECH 1969, 41-42, note 4). In early Chinese translations and commentaries, the characters used to denote Fudo appear to be translations of Acalanatha (literally, "Not-Move Lord).1 The appellation of "Fierce Fudo Vajra" ... relates to his incantations.2 For example, Fudo's "Mantra of Compassionate Help" (Jikushu ...) is Namah samanta vajranam, Canda Maharosana sphataya, hum trat ham mam, which loosely translates as "Homage to the All Encompassing Vajra, the Manifestation of Great Wrath. Eliminate [all hindrances], hum trat ham mam."3
Pictorial renditions of Fudo have a fair number of variations, but the most common traits are the sword in his right hand and rope in his left, the plait of hair that hangs down on the left of his face, the wrinkles on his forehead in the form of waves, his portly body surrounded in flames, and the rock he stands or sits firmly on.4 His many aspects also have symbolic meaning. For example, his sword destroys the three poisonous hindrances of sentient beings and his rope draws them to enlightenment (Kakuzensho ..., DBZ 48: 343).
Technically, Fudo is a manifestation of the cosmic Buddha Dainichi, sent as an assistant to Dainichi to sever the sources of hindrances to the Buddha's teachings and to devour the obstacles of practitioners.5 Nevertheless, Fudo was most popular among the nobility for his efficacy for propitious birth, restoration of health and resurrection from death, and the subjugation of adversaries. Fudo was invoked for these purposes through a Fudo ritual (Fudobo ...), during which Fudo's "Mantra of Compassionate Help" was chanted as a part of the ritual.
Soo and Invoking Fudo for Miroku's Heaven
Invoking Fudo in the context of Miroku's Heaven in Japan seems to have originated with the Tendai priest Soo, who was carried to Miroku's Heaven (Tosotsuten ..., Sk. Tusita) by Fudo, according to the legend recorded in the late twelfth- to early thirteenth-century text Uji shui monogatari:
Now, long ago, at Mudoji on Mt. Hiei resided a person called Soo Kasho. He also used to go to the place called the Third Waterfall [Santaki] on the Katsuragawa river to the west of Mt. Hira to perform ascetic practices. At that waterfall, he insistently implored of the venerable Fudo, "Please carry me to the inner palace of Tosotsu and bring me to the place of Miroku Bosatsu,"6 [Fudo] responded, "That is extremely difficult, but as you asked it of me, I must take you. Go wash your bottom." [Soo] went to the source of the waterfall and with its shower washed his bottom well. He climbed on the Myoo's shoulders and ascended to the Tosotsu Heaven.
There at the gate to the inner palace was a plaque that had written on it, "Lotus Blossom of the Wondrous Dharma" (Lotus Sutra). The Myoo said, "Those who enter here, recite this sutra to enter. If you cannot recite this sutra, you cannot enter." Soo looked up on high and said, "As for reading this sutra, I can read it, but as for reciting it, I cannot yet do that." The Myoo said, "Well then, that's very unfortunate. In that case, you cannot enter. Go home and recite the Lotus Sutra and then come again," and so saying, took [Soo] on his shoulders and brought him back to the Katsuragawa river, where [Soo] wept bitterly without relent. But it is said that later he recited the sutra before the main image [of Fudo] and achieved his desire. This venerable Fudo is even now in the Mudoji as a life-size sculpture.7
Soo was a monk of the Tendai school ordained by Ennin ... (794-864) in 856 as a special ordinand sponsored by Fujiwara no Yoshimi ... (813-867) to perform Buddhist practices in his stead. Because of his relation with Yoshimi, Soo was the first priest to become closely involved in performing esoteric rituals to serve the needs of the nobility. Soo became renowned for the efficacy of his rituals when called upon to use his powers to alleviate the serious illness of Yoshimi's daughter, the Lady Nishi Sanjo ... (n. d.), in 858.8 The earliest citation of a Fudo Ritual held for the restoration of health was performed in 865 by Soo to cure the Empress Somedono ... (829-900) of her illness caused by a tengu.9
After his ordination in 856, Soo set out to perform the twelve years of ascetic practices incumbent upon Tendai ordinands (Konryu Kasho den, GR 5: 545a). During this time he received the Fudo Ritual and the Procedures for Fire Offerings to Various Deities (besson giki goma ho ...) from Ennin.10 Soo built a hermit's hut for his ascetic practices on the south side of Mt. Hiei, which later became the Mudoji ... (Konryu Kasho den, GR 5: 545a-545b). After curing Lady Nishi Sanjo, for nearly three years from 859 through 861, when he was again summoned to the court to hold an Abisha ... (Sk. avesa) Ritual, Soo performed ascetic practices by a waterfall on the Katsuragawa river ....11 During Soo's practices at the Katsuragawa waterfall, Fudo is said to have appeared to him in the guise of a floating katsura ... tree. Soo carved this tree into a rough image of Fudo in 863, and later had it refinished by Ninsan ... (n. d.).12 Two years later, in 865, he built a hall to enshrine it, which was named the Mudoji.13 This sculpture is the one referred to in the legend quoted above.14
According to this legend, while Soo was performing ascetic practices before a waterfall on the Katsuragawa river, he prayed to Fudo to take him to Miroku's Heaven. Fudo did indeed carry Soo to Miroku's Heaven, but when they arrived at the gate to the inner palace, Soo was not allowed in because he could not yet recite the Lotus Sutra from memory. But when Soo later recited the Lotus Sutra before the image of Fudo at his temple, he was able to gain entry. The first record of this legend occurs in the earlier eleventh-century Hokke genki ..., which basically recounts the same legend with the addition of Fudo chiding Soo for not practicing the "four types of samadhi meditation" introduced into Japanese Tendai Buddhism by Saicho ... (767-822).15
Naturally it would be incumbent upon Soo to know the Lotus Sutra thoroughly, since it is the main text of the Tendai school. In addition, the Lotus Sutra does promise rebirth in Miroku's Heaven: he who "receives and keeps it [the Lotus Sutra], reads and recites it, and interprets the import of its meaning...at life's end...he shall straightway ascend to the top of Tusita Heaven [Tosotsuten], to the place of the bodhisattva Maitreya [Miroku]" (HURVITZ 1976, 335; T 9, n262, 61c). However, there is no doctrinal relationship between Fudo and the Lotus Sutra or Miroku's Heaven. The association of Fudo and Miroku's Heaven first occurs in association with Soo and this is also the first incident of Fudo being invoked to access a pure land.
Although according to the late twelfth to early thirteenth-century Uji shui monogatari and the eleventh-century Hokke genki, Soo is carried to Miroku's heaven by Fudo, the more historical early tenth-century Konryu Kasho den ... only has Soo praying to his image of Fudo a few years before his death asking where he would be reborn and being told to meditate on Miroku's heaven.16 According to the Konryu Kasho den, in a following dream, Soo was welcomed by a person mounted on a golden lion who said his rebirth was assured due to the power of reciting the Lotus Sutra (Konryu Kasho den, GR 5: 551b-552a). The legend of Fudo carrying Soo to Miroku's heaven arose just a half-century before the practice of invoking Fudo at the hour of death.
Accounts of Invoking Fudo at Death
Records of invoking Fudo at the hour of death begin in the early twelfth century. Emperors such as Horikawa and Shirakawa were involved in the practice as well as minor nuns and monks. According to the court diary Chuyuki ... by Fujiwara no Munetada ... (1062-1141), Emperor Horikawa on his death bed in 1107, "first chanted the titles of the larger Hannya and Lotus sutras, as well as the august name of the venerable Fudo; then chanted the august names of Sakya[muni] and [A]mida and faced the west" (Chuyuki ... [7/19/1107] ZST 11: 230b, cited in STONE 1998, 160, note. 37).
According to the court diary Choshuki ... by Minamoto no Morotoki ... (1077-1136), Fudo's incantation was read by the Tendai Archbishop Ninjitsu ... (1091-1131) at the time of Emperor Shirakawa's death in 1129.
The Imperial Prince of the Dharma recited both the second and third chapters. Archbishop Ninjitsu read Fudo's incantation and offered prayers. Dharma Disciple Kakuyu [Toba Sojo] intoned the august name in the imperial ear. Close to when Lord Nagazane rang the chimes at the hour of the serpent [9-11 AM], [Shirakawa] lost consciousness and closed his eyes. All the people wept unrelentingly.... He had lived seventy-seven years.17
According to the court diary Gyokuyo ... by Kujo Kanezane ... (1149-1207), a sculpture of Fudo with attendant figures was dedicated in 1176 to insure proper mindfulness at death, probably for Kenshunmon'in ... (1142-1176) who was consort to Emperor Goshirakawa ... (1127-1192, r. 1155-1158) and died that year.18
Today, dedicated as offerings were a one shaku five shun [approximately 45 cm] venerable Fudo with attendant figures. Chisen Ajari was the leader, his expounding of the dharma was exceedingly beautiful, and it was a Shingon offering.... Today's and the following events are intended to be directed toward proper mindfulness at death.19
The practices of the emperors and the court nobility were recorded in historical records such as court diaries, but the practices of the less famous and the common devotee were recounted in collections of tales. Unlike tales concerning Jizo and Kannon, tales of Fudo were never assembled together and a meticulous survey of ojoden ... [Accounts of rebirth] is required to find examples (see ARIGA 1993, 20). One such example is the Hosshinshu, attributed to Kamo no Chomei ... (ca. 1155-1216), according to which there was a sculpture of Fudo in Nara that used to appear to a nun at Higashiyama in Kyoto because she recited Fudo's Mantra of Compassionate Help twenty-one times everyday praying for proper mindfulness at death.
Not long ago, there was a monk from Nara. Some years ago, a three-shaku [90 cm] Fudo was made the main image, which he worshipped day and night. Once, when he was in the midst of performing a ritual, his eyes were blocked [from seeing the image]. No matter how he prayed, the main image was gone and only the empty seat remained. He was astounded and thought this peculiar. He wondered about various [possible reasons], "Was this some trick by an evil spirit or did I, by some faithless act or lack of attention, fail to fulfill the Buddha's will?" He despaired with his heart troubled by both possibilities. After a short time, he could see [the image] again, which reappeared in the same form as before. In any case, he thought it was difficult to understand. Afterwards, he encountered this experience time and time again.
Without losing a moment, he soon purified himself and in faith performed a three-hour ritual for seven days praying on this event. He had a dream in which he saw the main image just as if he was right in front of it. While he was wondering about this inexplicable experience, the main image told him, "You shouldn't wonder about this. For some twenty years, I have been invoked by someone praying about the demonic hindrances at the moment of death. In order to help, I have sometimes visited [there]." The monk, in his dream, replied, "What place is this and who is this person?" [The main image] answered, "In the area of Higashiyama in the north of Kyoto there is a place called Chorakuji, at which there is a nun named Yuirenbo. Since it is near the end [of her life], I still must visit her sometimes for the next two or three years." Having been told this, he awoke from his dream. The monk came to tears pondering this wonder.
Shortly, he called upon the Chorakuji to ask if the story about the nun was really so, and indeed it was true. He went to check at her hut, but the door was closed and no one was there. As instructed by the person next door, he went to the Ungoji temple to ask around and indeed met with her. At first without explaining his experience, he just talked with her in general. [Then] he asked her what kind of things she did for the exigency of the afterlife. According to what she said, she did nothing else special except for the nenbutsu. When [he] ardently asked for greater detail, she answered, "For as many as twenty years, I have been repeating Fudo's "Mantra of Compassionate Help" twenty-one times a day, praying for proper mindfulness at the moment of death." When the monk heard this, he said it was truly not for nothing that he had come to make a call on her. After he explained everything from the beginning, the nun, feeling reassured and grateful, had to restrain herself from tears. They made a vow together to be born in the same Buddha land.
Not long after this, in less than a short breath, the nun became seriously ill. The people around her said it would be hard for her to survive and several visited her. "I am not going to die this year. The fifteenth day of the second month of the next year will be the day I take my leave," she told them in response and, "I am not going to go just yet." The next year, on the fifteenth day of the second month at the hour of the Ram [2:00 PM], without sickness, she came to the end with proper mindfulness. She put her hands together to form Fudo's mudra and seated properly, her breath stopped.
This nun had a hut built at Chorakuji, but was never there.20 She was a member of the Ungoji nenbutsu group and ordinarily just lived at the temple. She did no other practice than the nenbutsu. At no time did she blithely chat with all and sundry people or laugh out loud. Almost always, she addressed others with a subdued expression. Since this happened just ten some years ago, many people either saw or heard about it. The Nara monk's name too, it is said, was held in people's memory at the time, but has since been forgotten.
Some people say that although it is the age of mappo, for those who believe, there can still be such miraculous wonders. As for all those without aspiration for the Buddhist path, who are dull in mind and without knowledge, it is foolish of them to blame all misfortunes on the age of mappo and allow themselves to give up in resignation.
(Hosshinshu ... 8: 6, DBZ 147: 132-134)
Another example of a nameless ordinand whose deathbed practices involved invoking Fudo occurs in the Shasekishu ... compiled by Muju Ichien ... (1226-1312) in 1279-83. When an old monk from Shinshu was dying, his disciples recited Fudo's Mantra of Compassionate Help for proper mindfulness at death. The efficacy of Fudo is explained in regard to the severity of the Three Hindrances to enlightenment and also in that Jizo is the ultimate expression of Dainichi's compassion and Fudo his wisdom:
After many years of discipline at a mountain temple in Shinano province [Shinshu], an old monk began having hallucinations and was no longer his usual self. So his many disciples recited the Spell of Compassionate Help in order that he might meet death in the proper frame of mind. Among those present was a man from whose head issued black smoke. When the others later questioned him, the man related that he had seen many obstacles on the old monk's path; but, as he persisted in the spell, he was aware of Fudo's sword sweeping them away. The old monk calmly prepared for death, and, in appreciation of the man's help, bequeathed to him, rather than to his close disciples, a relic of the Buddha which was the principle object of worship at the temple. He then passed on peacefully.
The following day a lay priest who had been the monk's benefactor rode up to the temple and related a dream of the previous night. He had seen the hindrances to the holy man's enlightenment swept away by Fudo Myoo, and observed that he came to a happy end.
A sutra says that we should pray to Fudo because of the severity of the Three Hindrances to enlightenment. Jizo is the ultimate of Mahavairocana's compassion; Fudo, of his wisdom. The help of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas appears in response to the sincerity of the devotee, just as a bell sounds according to the force with which it is struck.
Yixing [Ichigyo, 683-727] says that even though one performs religious exercises for the sake of worldly happiness, he will ultimately attain the fruits of Buddhahood. The world's waters all flow into the ocean; so also does all good return to the Buddha-nature. But a person who applies himself will achieve the goal sooner.
(MORELL 1985, 116-17; Shasekishu 2: 7, NKBT 85: 113-16)
Myoe's Deathbed Practices Invoking Fudo
Myoe, a famous priest of the Kegon school, is also known to have invoked Fudo on his deathbed seeking rebirth in Miroku's Heaven. According to the Kokon chomon ju ..., at the time of Myoe's death in 1232, "Two or three times he intoned the invocation Namu Miroku Bosatsu, raising his hands in prayer and devoutly reciting the nenbutsu, while three of his disciples also called upon the Treasured Name (hogo ...) [of Miroku]. To the left of the main object of worship, [which was the Mandara of the Five Buddhas with Dainichi in the center], appeared an image of Fudo. Koben (Myoe) had one of his disciples intone [Fudo's] Mantra of Compassionate Help and again had them recite the Five- Character Incantation of Monju Bosatsu" (MORELL 1998, 84).
Myoe had in his possession a small devotional rendition of the Miroku Mandara ..., 12.5 centimeters across, with paintings of Fudo in a triangle and Gozanze ... in a half-moon on the inner sides of two doors that open to reveal a small sculpture of Miroku. Myoe received this devotional Miroku Mandara, called the Kagami Miroku Image ..., from Gencho ... (n. d.), who according to an inscription found on the Kagami Miroku, dedicated it for his mother in 1224.21 The Miroku Mandara proper has Miroku in the center surrounded by four Haramitsu Bodhisattvas and four attendant Bodhisattvas. 22 Fudo is in a triangle to the lower right and Gozanze is in a half-moon in the lower left. This mandara is used in the Contemplating Miroku Ritual (Jishi Nenju Ho ...) for eliminating sins and averting calamity. The Miroku Mandara proper is extant as an early Kamakura painting owned by the Reiunji ... in Tokyo and a later Kamakura period painting owned by the Daigoji .... However, iconographic drawings of it were already recorded in the twelfthcentury Mandarashu ..., Besson zakki ..., and Kakuzensho ... collections of iconographic drawings, and the description of it occurs as early as the late seventh or eighth century in the Mile Pusa mantuluo (Jp. Miroku Bosatsu mandara) ... (T 20, n1141) attributed to Subhakarasimha (637-735).
Myoe studied under Mongaku ... (1139-1203) at Jingoji and at age nineteen received the Kanjo ordination of the Kongokai and Taizokai Mandara from Kozen ... (1121-1203), the author of the Mandarashu mentioned above. Mongaku lived in the twelfth century at the end of the Heian period and the beginning of the Kamakura period and is famous for his waterfall austerities related to Fudo worship. According to the Heike monogatari ..., Mongaku vowed to stand under the Nachi waterfall at Kumano for twenty-one days in the middle of the twelfth month, reciting Fudo's invocation three hundred thousand times. During his first attempt, he passed out after four or five days and floated down the rapids. After his rescue, he returned to the fall to complete his vow. After three days, he turned numb and stopped breathing. Two divine youths with their hair in side loops came to assist him. Mongaku questioned them after regaining consciousness, and found they were Kongara and Seitaka sent by Fudo to help Mongaku complete his vow. When he asked where Fudo was, the youths replied that he was in Miroku's Tosotsu Heaven (see "Mongaku's Austerities," 5: 7, in McCULLOUGH 1988, 178-79).
Images of Miroku Raigo with Fudo
As discussed previously, the first association of Fudo and Miroku's Heaven occurs in association with Soo's ascetic practices at the third waterfall on the Katsura River. According to the Katsuragawa engi ..., which also narrates this legend of Soo, the third waterfall on the Katsuragawa river on Mt. Hiei leads directly to the inner palace of Miroku's Heaven (Katsuragawa engi, ZGR 28 ...: 119). Fudo, his two child acolytes, and the waterfall are included in paintings of the Miroku Raigo.
The Kamakura-period Miroku Raigo painting in the Tokyo Geijutsu Daigaku collection depicts the descent of Miroku against a mountain background (figure 1). Fudo with his lasso and sword sits on a rock in a cave to the right of Miroku's entourage. His two child acolytes, Seitaka and Kongara, are on the rock below Fudo. Between Fudo and Miroku's entourage is a gorge with a waterfall.
At the top of the painting are three pavilions representing Miroku's Heaven. Miroku, in the center of his entourage, is seated in a half-lotus position on a lotus and is wearing a crown. His attributes, the vase in his left hand and the abhaya mudra formed by his right hand, conform to the iconography of Miroku found in the Badapusa mantuoluo jing (Jp. Hachi Daibosatsu mandara kyo) ... (T 20, n1167, 675b; ITO 1992, 76). The eighteen bodhisattvas in his entourage are as described in the Mile shangsheng jing (Jp. Miroku josho kyo) ... (T 14, n452, 419c; OKASAKI 1969, 84) and the two bodhisattvas before him, one extending the lotus seat to receive the soul and the other supporting a small canopy, are very similar to renditions of Kannon and Seishi in Amida Raigo paintings.23 The light from Miroku's ursa extends to the monk below who is reading a sutra. There are two more bodhisattvas behind this monk, one of whom is blessing the monk's head with his hand. Above the monk is Kukai ... (774-835), the Shingon monk who sits on Mount Koya in a state of samadhi awaiting the future coming of Miroku.
According to the Miroku josho kyo, which propounds Miroku's ascent to Tosotsuten heaven, "if in the future sentient beings should hear the name of the great merciful Miroku Bodhisattva, make an image, and offer incense, flowers, clothing, canopies, and banners in homage and prayer, then at the time of death, Miroku will emit a great light from his urna and with many celestial deities scattering flowers, will descend to greet them. They will achieve birth in Tosotsuten and be able to see Miroku. They will be able to hear the preaching of the Dharma in the space of lowering their heads in homage and raising them again. They will attain the path to supreme perfect enlightenment with no retrogression" (T 14, n452, 420b; ITO 1992, 76).
This painting is largely based on the iconographical drawing by Kakuzen ... (1143-ca. 1219) that according to its inscription records the Miroku Raigo painted by Jogen ... (n. d.) at Nara in 1184 (FIGURE 2). In this drawing, Miroku is holding his left hand before his chest and his right hand is extended in what appears to be the varada mudra. Miroku's entourage is considerably smaller with only five attendants. Behind him is a three-story pagoda representing Miroku's Heaven. As in the Tokyo Geijutsu Daigaku painting, there are two bodhisattvas before him, one extending the lotus seat to receive the soul and the other supporting a small canopy. Likewise, Fudo appears sitting on a rock with his two child acolytes below him and the waterfall to the left.
The fourteenth-century Miroku Raigo from a private collection is very similar to Kakuzen's drawing (FIGURE 3). Miroku is seated in the center of his entourage in a half-lotus position on a lotus and is wearing a crown. He is holding a vase in his left hand and forming the abhaya mudra with his right hand. He has five bodhisattvas in his entourage. From the upper left, one playing a pipe organ, one a flute, one beating a drum, and one perhaps holding a cymbal; and on the upper right one holding a banner. There are again two additional bodhisattvas before him, one extending the lotus seat to receive the soul and the other supporting a small canopy. To the upper left in the painting, is the pagoda representing Miroku's heaven.
However, in this fourteenth-century Miroku Raigo, instead of Fudo being depicted seated in his cave with his two child acolytes, he is shown standing on a rock before a waterfall which divides him from Jizo ..., who appears to the left. Fudo and Jizo were frequently paired as savior figures; Jizo rescuing one from hell and Fudo, not only for maintaining proper mindfulness at the moment of death, but also for the restoration of life. As seen previously, the two were paired in the Shasekishu in the context of proper mindfulness at death, with Jizo being an expression of Dainichi's compassion and Fudo his wisdom. The Senjusho ... contains a story of the sister of Genshin ... (942-1017), the Tendai priest who compiled the ojoyoshu ..., being brought back to life by the dual efforts of Fudo and Jizo. According to the story, An'yoni ... (n. d.) died on her way to meet her brother Genshin, but she was brought back to life when Shosan ... (939-1011) of the Shugakuin ... recited Fudo's incantation and her brother, Genshin, prayed to Jizo (Senjusho, scroll 9, ZGR 32 ...; DBZ 147; TANAKA 1993, 41).
Eclectic Practices and their Relation to Traditional Schools of Buddhism
Taking the above-described images and texts together, it can be seen that invoking Fudo for rebirth in Miroku's Heaven cannot be ascribed to one single Japanese Buddhist school of thought. Invoking Fudo in the context of Miroku's Heaven appears to have originated in the Tendai tradition with the priest Soo. The Tendai Archbishop Ninjitsu read Fudo's incantation at the time of Emperor Shirakawa's death, but the dedication of the Fudo triad in 1176 presumably for Emperor Goshirakawa's consort, Kenshunmon'in, was performed as a Shingon offering. The incorporation of an image of Kukai in the Miroku Raigo painting in the Tokyo Geijutsu Daigaku collection attests to Shingon influence. The earliest iconographic drawing of a Miroku Raigo recorded by Kakuzen is ascribed to the priest Jogen, who belonged to one of the Nara schools of Buddhism. Myoe, who intoned Fudo's incantation at his deathbed, was a Nara monk of the Kegon school, but also studied esoteric Buddhism and Zen. These images and texts reflect the eclectic beliefs of the Heian and early Kamakura periods, but it is also informative to review these beliefs as they developed in their respective schools and their relation to deathbed practices.
Prior to Honen, in the Tendai school, aspiration for rebirth in Amida's Gokuraku ... and Miroku's Tosotsuten existed side by side. This philosophy was based on the Lotus Sutra, which described the possibility of rebirth in both lands due to the efficacy of the sutra. Although the aspiration of rebirth in Amida's pure land may have already been predominate, it was thought that even if one achieved rebirth in Amida's land, one could still visit Tosotsuten to attend Miroku's lectures on the Dharma and join Miroku's assembly when Miroku achieved Buddhahood and descended to our world to expound the Dharma under the dragon-flower tree (HIRAOKA 1984, 134.). According to the passage on Genshin in the Hokke genki, even though Genshin faced the left and aspired for birth in Amida's land, he was told by two celestial acolytes that he was assured of birth in Tosotsuten due to the efficacy of his profound understanding of the Lotus Sutra (Hiraoka 1984, 134, citing the Hokke genki, "Genshin Sozu den" ...). Soo's religious practices reflect this Tendai belief in the efficacy of the Lotus Sutra for attaining birth in Miroku's Heaven. The five types of practice recommended by the Dharma Authorities ... (Ch. wuzhong fashi; Jp. goshu hosshi) in the "Dharma Authorities" chapter of the Lotus sutra (receive and keep, read, recite, expound, and copy the sutra) were used in the Tendai school as a method of concentration (stilling the mind) for clear insight into the ultimate reality (shikan ...), and these in return were related to the five kinds of samadhi (goshu zanmai ...).24 These were practices based on the Lotus Sutra to be performed in this life prior to attaining rebirth in either pure land afterwards.
Shingon beliefs in relation to Miroku and Tosotsuten began with Kukai who in his last testament said that he would be reborn in Tosotsuten and after fifty-six million years would descend along with Miroku.25 It is believed that Kukai was interred on Koyasan and awaits there in eternal samadhi for Miroku's descent (see HADEKA 1972, 60, note 8). Many of Kukai's disciples wished to follow their master and join him in Tosotsuten while waiting for Miroku's descent.26 In the Tendai school, Miroku was important as the next Buddha to follow Sakyamuni, but in the Shingon school Miroku was understood as another form of the cosmic Buddha Dainichi, which further developed into the belief that Dainichi, Miroku, and oneself, as well as Kukai, were all equivalent (HIRAOKA 1984, 139). The main emphasis however, was to enter samadhi (nyujo ...) in keeping with Kukai's philosophy of attaining enlightenment in this very body (HIRAOKA 1984, 138). By attaining rebirth in Miroku's Heaven, one could attend Miroku's expounding of the dharma, enter samadhi there, and then descend along with Miroku (and Kukai) when the time came (HIRAOKA 1984, 138). The purpose of Fudo as described in the Shasekishu above may well have been to access the wisdom of Dainichi in this context.27
In order to attain rebirth, whether in Amida's Pure Land or Miroku's Heaven, it was thought that one had to have proper mindfulness at the last moment before death or rebirth would be forfeited (YOSHIMIZU 2005, 88.). Proper mindfulness is one of the eight practices of the eightfold path taught by Sakyamuni in his first sermon. It is ideally practiced by all in everyday life, and for the ordinands it is supposed to be fully absorbed into their everyday conduct. Proper mindfulness at the moment of death prevents the occurrence of the three poisonous hindrances of desire, anger, and stupidity so that the mind can be wholeheartedly dedicated to enlightenment (BDJ: 1805). Again, according to the same account in the Shasekishu, Fudo is invoked due to the severity of these three hindrances to enlightenment.
In order to achieve proper mindfulness at death, it is necessary to have a pacified mind (anjin ...). The pacified mind is one that has stopped mental distractions, disclosed insightful wisdom, and is anchored in the basis of the essential dharma nature (BD: 82). Often this definition of anjin is simpli- fied by the phrase, "stable and immovable" (antei fudo ...), which leads one to wonder if Fudo was not invoked in part due to this fortuitous phrase. In the context of rebirth in Amida's Pure Land, the Guan wuliangshou jing (Jp. Kanmuryojukyo) ... describes the three minds of anjin as the sincere mind (...), profound mind (...), and the mind of transferring merit in aspiration for rebirth in the Pure Land (...)(T 12, n365, 344c). The importance of transferring merit in aspiration for rebirth, as well as receiving the precepts, is also stressed in the Miroku josho kyo (HAYAMI 1984, 119; T 14, n452, 420b, 419c.).
The Baming tuoluoni jing (Jp. Hachimei darani kyo) ... (T 21, n1366, 884b) was also recited for rebirth because it promises that not only will bad conduct be extinguished, but those who have not received the precepts can receive them and those that have not practiced celibate conduct (the discipline of celibacy which ensures rebirth in the realms beyond form) or equanimity can dwell in them. In addition, it promises salvation from hell and rebirth in Miroku's Heaven. These benefits are empowered by chanting the mantras of eight deities as prescribed in the sutra. Fudo and his Mantra of Compassionate Help, in abbreviated form, are included among the eight (T 21, n1366, 884c). Furthermore, two of the most salient characteristics of Fudo are his attributes of the sword and rope. The sword in his right hand destroys the three poisonous hindrances of sentient beings and the rope in his left hand pulls them to enlightenment (Kakuzensho, DBZ 48: 343). Thus when in the Shasekishu, the old monk's disciples recited Fudo's Mantra of Compassionate Help, Fudo's sword swept away the obstacles on the old monk's path.
The accounts of invoking Fudo as related previously can be seen to have some relation to orthodox practice. Soo's religious practices were a combination of Tendai belief in the efficacy of the Lotus Sutra for attaining birth in Miroku's Heaven coupled with his ascetic practices invoking Fudo as a tutelary deity. The purpose of Fudo being invoked due to the severity of the three hindrances to enlightenment in the Shasekishu can be understood as a means of acquiring proper mindfulness at death. In the same text it is explained that Jizo is the ultimate expression of Dainichi's compassion and Fudo his wisdom, which can be understood as a means of accessing the ultimate enlightenment of Dainichi through Fudo. The efficacy of Fudo, symbolized by his sword, for removing obstacles on the Buddhist path is also described in the Shasekishu. It becomes obvious that the main function of Fudo when invoked in the context of deathbed practices is to eliminate the hindrances to rebirth and, according to the Hachimei darani kyo, provide the prerequisites of the precepts, celibate conduct, and equanimity necessary for rebirth in Miroku's Heaven.
Conclusion
Fudo appears in Miroku Raigo paintings because he was associated with rebirth in Miroku's Tosotsu heaven since the time of Soo. With the proliferation of accounts of invoking Fudo for rebirth in Miroku's Heaven, the association of Fudo and Miroku's Heaven grew ever closer. Fudo's efficacy in attaining rebirth in Miroku's Heaven was to eliminate the hindrances to rebirth and provide the prerequisites. The doctrinal source for this efficacy is found in the Hachimei darani kyo. This efficacy was important in Japan because of a widespread belief from the tenth century, not specific to any particular religious school, that maintaining proper mindfulness at the moment of death was crucial for successful rebirth.
The eclecticism of these beliefs is evidenced by the Miroku Raigo itself. The incorporation of Fudo and the Katsuragawa waterfall that is said to lead straight to Miroku's Heaven attest to the influence of the Tendai school and ascetic practices originated by Soo. The incorporation of Kukai attests to Shingon belief in Kukai waiting in eternal samadhi on Mt. Koya for the descent of Miroku. The stylistic iconography of the Miroku Raigo painting with the two foreground bodhisattvas holding a lotus and canopy attest to influence from paintings of Amida Raigo of approximately the same time, such as the fourteenth-century Amida and Fifteen Bodhisattvas Raigo owned by the Chion'in. The very origin of the Miroku Raigo painting ascribed to the Nara priest Jogen attests to the esoteric influence within the Nara schools of Buddhism.
These Miroku Raigo paintings, which were generated at the end of the twelfth century and continued to be painted into the fourteenth century, were probably produced within the traditional schools of Buddhism as a last recourse to the rising popularity of the new Kamakura schools promoting Amida worship and easy access to Amida's Pure Land, which soon eclipsed the older schools in popularity. By relying on the nenbutsu to attain rebirth in the Pure Land, one no longer needed Fudo's mantra to eliminate the hindrances to rebirth and this practice of intoning Fudo's mantra for proper mindfulness at the moment of death fell out of use.
1. The earliest references to Fudo by name in the Chinese canon are the Bukong juansuo shenbian zhenyan jing ... (Jp. Fukukenjaku jinpen shingon kyo, T 20, n1092, 271) translated by Bodhiruci ... in 709 in which "The Attendant Fudo" ... appears, and the Mahavairocana Sutra ... (Jp. Dainichi kyo, T 18, n848) translated by Subhakarasimha ... (637-735) in 725 in which appear The Venerable Fudo ..., The Lord Fudo ..., and The Venerable Mudo .... I have supplied the Chinese readings on the first appearance of a Chinese text, but afterwards I have used the Japanese reading, so that the reader may more readily follow the discussion in Japanese primary and secondary sources of this Japanese form of Fudo worship.
2. Fierce Fudo Vajra ... appears in the Renwang niansong yigui ... (Jp. Ninno nenju giki, T 19, n994) translated by Amoghavajra (705-774) in 765 and the Renwang jingshu ... (Jp. Ninnogyosho, T 33, n1709) written in 766 by the Chinese priest Liangbi ... (717-777), who resided at the esoteric temple Qinglongsi ... in the Chinese Tang capital of Chang'an. See ARIGA 1993, 9-10.
3. Sanskrit cited in WATANABE 1975, 204. This mantra is found in the Budong shizhe tuoluoni mimi fa ... (Jp. Fudo shisha darani himitsu ho) translated by Vajrabodhi ... during the Tang dynasty (T 21, n1202, 27a1-a5). The transcription of the Sanskrit reads (in Japanese) nama samanta bazaradan senda maka roshana sopotaya un tarata jin man ....
4. Dapiluzhena chengfo shenbian jiachi jing (Jp. Daibirushana jobutsu jinben kaji kyo, ...: scroll 1, T 18, n848, 7b17-22).
5. See Nenju giki (T 19, n994, 515a) and Ninnogyosho (T 33, n1709, 516b); Yoson dojo kan ... (t 78, n2468, 43); MJ: 608.
6. Tosotsuten has an inner and outer palace; Miroku resides in the inner palace, which is a pure land in the fourth heaven in the realm of desire, whereas the outer palace is still a mundane land (edo ...) in the realm of desire in which dwell ordinary mundane beings (bonbu ...). For information on Tosotsuten, see MJ: 527-8.
7. Uji shui monogatari 193: 15/8, SNKBT 42: 386, compiled circa 1190-1242. All translations unless otherwise noted are my own. For an alternative translation of this legend, see MILLS 1970, 429.
8. Konryu Kasho den (Tendai nanzan Mudoji Konryu Kasho den ...), GR 5: 545-546. The Konryu Kasho den is attributed to circa 918-923.
9. Konryu Kasho den, GR 5: 548a; "How Soo Expelled the Tengu from the Somedono Empress" in Kojidan ..., KT 18: 56-57. The Kojidan is a collection of tales dating to circa 1212-1215 and attributed to Minamoto no Akikane ... (n. d.). The legend concerning the Empress Somedono found in the Uji shui monogatari (SNKBT 42: 387-388) mistakes the identity of the female protagonist, whom from other sources can be identified as Lady Nishi Sanjo. A tengu .. is a mythological creature with a long nose, often depicted in a form resembling a crow.
10. Konryu Kasho den, GR 5: 545a. According to interpretation, the Besson giki goma ho ... may refer to two separate groups of procedures, the Procedures for Various Deities (Besson giki) and the Fire Offering Rituals (Goma ho).
11. Konryu Kasho den, GR 5: 546a. The Abisha ritual entails using mediums to foretell the future or to exorcise malevolent spirits causing misfortune.
12. Katsuragawa engi ..., ZGR 28...: 119-20; Konryu Kasho den, GR 5: 547b-548a. Ninsan was a descendent of the Southern House of the Fujiwara.
13. Konryu Kasho den, GR 5: 548a. Alternatively, in 864, BD 4: 3036c.
14. Soo had the tree carved into three sculptures of Fudo, one he carried back to his hermit's hut which he converted into the Mudoji ... in the Yokawa ... precinct of Enryakuji ..., one he installed in the Sokusho Myooin ... near the waterfall at Katsuragawa, and one he installed in the Isakiji ... built out on a peninsula extending from the far side of Lake Biwa. Unfortunately, none of these images are extant; the sculpture currently at the Mudoji is roughly dated to the fourteenth or fifteenth century, the Myooin sculpture to roughly the mid twelfth century, and the Isakiji sculpture to around the tenth century. For more on the dating of these works, see MACK 2006, 228-32.
15. Hokke genki (Dai Nippon hokkekyo genki ...), 194: "Eizan Mudoji no Soo Kasho" ..., ZGR 8...: 119-120, compiled circa 1040-1044. The "four types of concentration practice" (shishu zanmai gyo ...) were introduced by Saicho and can be found in the Mohe zhiguan ... (Jp. Maka shikan), lectures by Zhiyi ... (538-597) recorded in 594 by his disciple Guanding ... (T 46, n1911, 26c). The four are the joza zanmi ... of 90 days of seated meditation, the jogyo zanmai ... of 90 days of circumambulating a sculpture of Amida while meditating and reciting the nenbutsu, the hangyo hanza zanmai ... of both seated and ambulatory meditation, and the higyo hiza zanmai ... of meditation with unspecified action and unspecified length of time, IBJ, s.v. "shishu zanmai" and DJBT: 309.
16. The Soo Kasho den recounted in the Miroku Nyorai kan'o sho ... (5) also has Soo attaining rebirth in Miroku's heaven, cited by HIRAOKA 1984, 133.
17. Choshuki ... (7/7/1129), ZST 16, cited in TANAKA 1993, 46, note 30. The Imperial Prince of the Dharma (hoshinno ...) must be Shoe ... (1094-1137) because he was the second designated Imperial Prince of the Dharma after Kakugyo ... (1075-1105), who died before this event took place. Shoe was the fifth son of Emperor Shirakawa and a Shingon priest at Ninnaji .... He participated in Five Altar Rituals, dedicated to the Five Great Myoo, chief of whom is Fudo, for propitious childbirth in 1124 and 1126, so he would have been knowledgeable about Fudo; see NBJJ, 606. Ninjitsu was an abbot of Enryakuji and became Tendai Abbot in 1123, NBJJ, 997. Toba Sojo Kakuyu ... (1053-1140), famous in connection to the Frolicking Animal Scrolls formerly attributed to him, was an important priest at the end of the Heian period and renowned as a painter of Fudo images. He was a Tendai Abbot and served as head of both the Shitennoji ... and Onjoji ... temples. Under the patronage of Emperor Toba ... (1103-1156, r. 1107-1123), he lived at the Shokongoin ... located within Emperor Toba's detached palace. Fujiwara no Nagazane ... (1075-1133) was the son of Fujiwara no Akisue ... (1055-1123), who was an intimate of Emperor Shirakawa, and the father of Bifukumon'in ... (1117-1160), who was an empress to Emperor Toba ... (1103-1156, r. 1107-1123).
18. These sculptures of Fudo and his acolytes may have been the main images of the Fudo Hall built in this year at Hojuji ..., which is where Goshirakawa had established his palace as an retired Emperor. For more on this temple and its images, see FUKUYAMA 1976, 102.
19. Gyokuyo ... 21: 9/7/1176, cited in TANAKA 1993, 46, note 30. Chisen ... was the prayer monk ... for the Kujo family.
20. Chorakuji ... was purportedly founded by Saicho in 805 and was a center of Kannon and Amida worship. It became a temple of the Pure Land Jishu ... sect in the Nanbokucho period and is located at Maruyama Koen ... in Kyoto (see K, S.V. "Chorakuji").
21. ITO 1992, 47; NAKANO 1986, 43. For a color reproduction of the Kagami Miroku image, see NAKANO 1986, fig. 20.
22. The Four Haramitsu Bodhisattvas are the four bodhisattvas that surround Dainichi in the central assembly of the Kongokai Mandara: East, Kongo Haramitsu ...; South, Ho Haramitsu ...; West, Ho Haramitsu ...; North, Katsuma Haramitsu ....
23. See, for example, the fourteenth-century Amida and Fifteen Bodhisattvas Raigo owned by the Chion'in, reproduced in OKAZAKI 1969, fig. 10.
24. HIRAOKA 1984, 133. The five kinds of samadhi are: 1. On mortality, the four meditations (shizen ...) and eight degrees of fixed abstraction (hachijo ...); 2. sravaka on the four axioms; 3. pratyekabuddha on the twelve nidanas; 4. bodhisattva on the six perfections (rokudo ...) and the all activities (mangyo ...); 5. Buddha on the one Buddha-vehicle, which includes all others. DDB, S.V. "...," entry by C. Muller.
25. According to Kukai's Yuigo (17), "After I have entered eternal samadhi, I will be reborn in Tosotsu Heaven and after fifty-six million years, I will descend along with Miroku Bosatsu." MJ: 527; HIRAOKA 1984, 135.
26. For a list of Kukai's disciples that were supposed to achieve rebirth in Miroku's Heaven see HIRAOKA 1984, 139.
27. TANAKA (1933, 40) summarizes that the purpose of this practice was to rely on the power of Dainichi's wisdom to complete a death successfully.
REFERENCES
ABBREVIATION
BD Mochizuki Bukkyo daijiten .... Ed. Mochizuki Shinko .., et al. 10 vols. Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kankoo Kyokai, 1974.
BDJ oda Bukkyo daijiten .... Ed. oda Tokuno .... Tokyo: okura Shoten, 1917.
DBZ Dainihon Bukkyo zensho .... 151 vols. Ed. Bussho Kankokai .... Tokyo, 1912-1921.
DDB Digital Dictionary of Buddhism. Ed. Charles Muller. <http://www. acmuller.net/ddb>. Edition of 2004/7/26.
DJBT A Dictionary of Japanese Buddhist Terms. By Hisao Inagaki. Kyoto: Nagata Bunshodo, 1992.
GR Gunsho ruiju .... 29 vols. Ed. Zoku Gunsho Ruiju Kanseikai .... Tokyo, 1959-1970.
IBJ Iwanami Bukkyo jiten ... (electric book edition). Ed. Nakamura Hajime ..., et al. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1995.
K Kojien .... Ed. Shinmura Izuru .... Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2003.
KT Kokushi taikei .... 60 vols. Ed. Kuroita Katsumi .... Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1929-1967.
MJ Mikkyo jiten .... 1 vol. Ed. Sawa Ryuken .... Kyoto: Hozokan, 1981.
NBJJ Nihon Bukke jinmei jisho .... Ed. Washio Junkei .... Tokyo: Tokyo Bijutsu, 1987
NKBT Nihon koten bungaku taikei .... 102 vols. Ed. Iwanami Shoten. Tokyo, 1968-1978.
SNKBT Shin Nihon koten bungaku taikei .... Ed. Satake Akihiro .... Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1999.
T Taisho shinshu daizokyo .... 85 vols. Takakusu Junjiro ... and Watanabe Kaigyoku ..., eds. Tokyo: Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai, 1924-1932.
ZGR Zoku Gunsho ruiju .... 34 vols. Ed. Zoku Gunsho Ruiju Kanseikai .... Tokyo, 1957-1959.
ZST Zoho shiryo taisei .... Ed. Zoho Shiryo Taisei Kankokai .... Kyoto, 1965.
PRIMARY SOURCES
Besson zakki ..., compiled by Shinkaku (..., ca. 1117-1180), Tzuzo 3.
Choshuki ..., court diary by Minamoto no Morotoki ... (1077-1136), ZST 16.
Chuyuki ..., court diary by Fujiwara no Munetada ... (1062-1141), ZST 11.
Dainichi kyo ... (Daibirushana jobutsu jinpen kaji kyo ...) translated by Subhakarasimha ... (637-735) in 725, T 18, n848.
Fudo shisha darani himitsu ho ..., translated by Vajrabodhi ... during the Tang dynasty, T 21, n1202.
Fukukenjaku jinpen shingon kyo ..., translated by Bodhiruci ... in 709, T 20, n1092.
Gyokuyo ..., court diary by Kujo Kanezane ... (1149-1207), ed. Kokusho Kankokai ..., Tokyo: Tokyo Kappan, 1907 (1964 reprint).
Hachi Daibosatsu mandara kyo ..., T 20, n1167.
Hachimei darani kyo ..., attributed to Faxian ... (ca. 1001) of the Song dynasty, T 21 ,n1366.
Hokke genki (Dainippon hokkekyo genki ...), compiled circa 1040- 1044, ZGR 8.
Hosshinshu ..., attributed to Kamo no Chomei ... (ca. 1155-1216), DBZ 147.
Kakuzensho ..., compiled by Kakuzen (..., 1143 - ca. 1219) of the Ono lineage of Shingon 1176-1219, DBZ 48.
Kanmuryoju kyo ..., T 12, n365.
Katsuragawa engi ..., traditionally attributed to Jien (..., 1155-1225), ZGR 28....
Kojidan ..., dating to circa 1212-1215 and attributed to Minamoto no Akikane ... (n. d.), KT 18.
Kokon chomon ju ..., compilation completed by Tachibana no Narisue ... (n.d.) in 1254. Nihon Bungaku Zensho 21.
Konryu Kasho den (Tendai nanzan Mudoji Konryu Kasho den ...) , circa 918-923, GR 5: 545-546.
Mandarashu ..., compiled by Kozen (..., 1121-1203), Tzuzo 4.
Miroku Bosatsu mandara ... attributed to Subhakarasimha (637-735), T 20, n1141.
Miroku josho kyo ..., T 14, n452.
Ninnogyosho ..., written in 766 by Liangbi ... (717-777), T 33, n1709.
Ninno nenju giki ..., translated by Amoghavajra (705-774) in 765, T 19, n994.
Senjusho ..., circa 13th century and traditionally attributed to Saigyo (..., 1118-1190), ZGR 32 ...; DBZ 147.
Shasekishu ..., compiled by Muju Ichien ... (1226-1312) in 1279-1283, NKBT 85.
Uji shui monogatari ..., compiled circa 1190-1242, SNKBT 42.
Yoson dojo kan ..., by Shunnyu ... (890-953), T 78, n2468.
SECONDARY SOURCES
ARIGA Yoshitaka ...
1993 Fudo shinko .... In Fudo shinko ..., ed. Tanaka Hisao ..., 5-29. Tokyo: Yuzankaku.
FUKUYAMA, Toshio
1976 Heian Temples: Byodo-in and Chuson-ji, trans. Jones, Ronald K. New York: Weatherhill/Tokyo: Heibonsha
HAKEDA, Yoshito
1972 Kukai: Major Works. New York: Columbia University Press.
HAYAMI Tasuku ...
1984 Ritsuryo shakai ni okeru Miroku shinko no juyo .... In Miroku shinko ..., ed. Miyata Noboru ..., 109-30. Tokyo: Yuzankaku.
HIRAOKA Jokai ...
1984 Heian jidai ni okeru Miroku jodo shiso no tenkai .... In Miroku shinko ..., ed. Miyata Noboru, 131-62. Tokyo: Tokyo: Yuzankaku.
HURVITS, Leon
1976 Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma. New York: Columbia University Press.
ITO Shiro ...
1992 Miroku zo .... Nihon no bijutsu ... 316. Tokyo: Shibundo.
MACK, Karen J.
2006 The Function and Context of Fudo Imagery from the Ninth to Fourteenth Century in Japan. PhD Dissertation, The University of Kansas.
McCULLOUGH, Helen, trans.
1988 The Tale of the Heike. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
MEECH, Julia
1969 A painting of Daiitoku in the Bigelow Collection. Boston Museum Bulletin 67: 18-43.
MILLS, D. E.
1970 A Collection of Tales from Uji: A Study and Translation of Uji Shui Monogatari. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
MORRELL, Robert E.
1985 Sand and Pebbles (Shasekishu): The Tales of Muju Ichien, A Voice for Pluralism in Kamakura Buddhism. Albany: State University of New York Press.
1998 Kamakura Buddhism in the literary tradition. In Payne, Richard K., ed., 70-100.
NAKANO Genzo ...
1986 Fudo Myoo zo .... Nihon no Bijutsu ... 238. Tokyo: Shibundo.
OKAZAKI Joji ...
1969 Jodokyo ga .... Nihon no Bijutsu ... 43. Tokyo: Shibundo.
PAYNE, Richard K., ed.
1998 Re-Visioning "Kamakura" Buddhism. Honolulu: Kuroda Institute/University of Hawai'i Press.
STONE, Jacqueline I.
1998 Chanting the august title of the Lotus Sutra: Daimoku practices in classical and medieval Japan. In Payne, Richard K., ed., 116-66.
TANAKA Hisao ...
1993 Fudo shinko no denpasha no mondai .... In Fudo shinko ..., ed. Tanaka Hisao, 31-46. Tokyo: Yuzankaku.
WATANABE Shoko ...
1975 Fudo Myoo .... (1997 reprint). Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha.
YOSHIMIZU Hideyuki ...
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Karen Mack is currently affiliated with the Jodo Shu Research Institute in Tokyo, where she is translating the three Pure Land sutras for the Institute. Her primary specialty is Heian period painting and images of Fudo.
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Copyright Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture 2006
Abstract
Invoking the esoteric Buddhist deity Fudo for rebirth is a lesser known aspect in the development of Pure Land worship. Fudo was invoked by reciting his incantation as a deathbed practice to attain proper mindfulness at death allowing rebirth into the Pure Land, particularly Miroku's Heaven, from the late Heian into the Kamakura period. The association of Fudo and Miroku's Heaven extends back to the Tendai monk Soo (ninth century), and invoking Fudo for rebirth was practiced by such notables as Emperor Shirakawa and the Kegon monk Myoe. Fudo was incorporated into Miroku Raigo paintings from the end of the twelfth century into the fourteenth century, probably as a last recourse by the traditional schools of Buddhism to the rising popularity of Amida worship and easy access to Amida's Pure Land through the nenbutsu. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]
You have requested "on-the-fly" machine translation of selected content from our databases. This functionality is provided solely for your convenience and is in no way intended to replace human translation. Show full disclaimer
Neither ProQuest nor its licensors make any representations or warranties with respect to the translations. The translations are automatically generated "AS IS" and "AS AVAILABLE" and are not retained in our systems. PROQUEST AND ITS LICENSORS SPECIFICALLY DISCLAIM ANY AND ALL EXPRESS OR IMPLIED WARRANTIES, INCLUDING WITHOUT LIMITATION, ANY WARRANTIES FOR AVAILABILITY, ACCURACY, TIMELINESS, COMPLETENESS, NON-INFRINGMENT, MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. Your use of the translations is subject to all use restrictions contained in your Electronic Products License Agreement and by using the translation functionality you agree to forgo any and all claims against ProQuest or its licensors for your use of the translation functionality and any output derived there from. Hide full disclaimer