The Invention and Reception of the Mino'odera engi

Abstract

In this article, I attend to the creative processes involved both in the writing and the reception of jisha engi, through the example of a twelfth century Shugendo engi called Mino'odera engi. First, I examine how the Mino'odera engi contributed decisively to the hagiographic evolution of En no Gyoja, the seventh-century figure whom Shugendo practitioners chose as their founder. Then I focus on the way in which this text was used and received, both at Mino'odera and in a broader, regional context. Through comparison with historical, literary, and religious sources, I argue that documents like the Mino'odera engi played an instrumental role in restructuring the spatial and temporal imaginaire of their surroundings and of Japanese Buddhism. Overall, my aim is to draw attention not only to the composition and the contents of engi-type documents, but also to their use and circulation in the early medieval period.

Headnote

In this article, I attend to the creative processes involved both in the writing and the reception of jisha engi, through the example of a twelfth century Shugendo engi called Mino'odera engi. First, I examine how the Mino'odera engi contributed decisively to the hagiographic evolution of En no Gyoja, the seventh-century figure whom Shugendo practitioners chose as their founder. Then I focus on the way in which this text was used and received, both at Mino'odera and in a broader, regional context. Through comparison with historical, literary, and religious sources, I argue that documents like the Mino'odera engi played an instrumental role in restructuring the spatial and temporal imaginaire of their surroundings and of Japanese Buddhism. Overall, my aim is to draw attention not only to the composition and the contents of engi-type documents, but also to their use and circulation in the early medieval period.

KEYWORDS: spatial and temporal imaginaire-Mino'o-En no Gyoja-yamabushi-sangoku denrai-Kanjo-Ninnaji-Shichi tengu-e

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)

AS DISCUSSED in the introduction to this special volume, jisha engi ... narrate the origins, which is to say the invention, of sacred sites. Although in many cases research on engi has attended primarily to the circumstances surrounding the initial process of textual composition, more creativity is involved in the reception of these texts. My objective in this article is to illustrate this assertion through an analysis of the Mino'odera engi.

Religious practice in the mountains (sanrin shugyo ...), which was an integral element in the religious culture of Mino'o, had been common among both semi-lay figures and official monks (kanso ...) even earlier than the Nara period (Tsuji 1991, 1-6). In the Heian period, monks who had acquired "marvellous powers" (genriki ...) through practice in the mountains joined specialists in esoteric ritual as "persons of power" (genja ...) who served the emperor or high-ranking aristocrats by performing healing treatments (Tokunaga 2001). During the insei period, yamabushi ..., literally "men who lie down in the mountains," who were not necessarily fully ordained, gained public recognition for their special powers. Yamabushi were employed among the guardian monks (gojiso ...), who were charged with ritually protecting the emperor's person (Wakamori 1972, 108-10). It was also during the insei that pilgrimage to Kumano became popular among the royalty and aristocracy (Moerman 2005); when retired emperors traveled to Kumano, they employed yamabushi as their pilgrimage guides (gosendatsu ...), rewarding them with honorary monastic rank and office (Miyachi 1954, 93-129, 147-69; Tokunaga 2002).

As a corollary to their new recognition in the social sphere, yamabushi also began to make a place for themselves as important participants in the history of Japanese Buddhism. The legitimacy of Japanese Buddhism was grounded in the understanding that Buddhism had been transmitted in an unaltered state from India to China and then Japan: this concept is known as "transmission through the three countries" (sangoku denrai ...). Therefore yamabushi, who did not trace their dharma lineage back to India, were situated outside of the Japanese Buddhist orthodoxy. During the insei period, yamabushi for the first time appear to have felt the need for a founder of their own.1 En no Gyoja ..., the most famous historical mountain practitioner, was chosen and vene- rated in this role. Importantly, En had long been known as an upasaka (ubasoku ...), that is, as a religious specialist who had not been officially ordained as a Buddhist monk. In time, En no Gyoja's apotheosis as a founder figure was so successful that, based on the temporal and spatial imaginaire of Japanese Buddhism, which had been shaped by notions of the transmission through the three countries, the temporal and spatial imaginaire of sacred mountains around the capital (that is, Kyoto) and "the southern capital" (nanto ..., Nara) were successively reconceptualized.

The process of reimagining En no Gyoja's career in order to cast him as a founder figure provides the primary context in which the Mino'odera engi circulated. One of the many oral transmissions (kuden ...), records (kiroku ...), and engi-type documents that appeared during the insei period, this particular text focuses mainly on En no Gyoja's founding of the temple of Mino'o in the mountains of the Teshima ... district in the province of Settsu ..., an area that is now part of Mino'o, Ikeda, Toyonaka, and Suita cities in the northern reaches of present-day Osaka. The engi also contains En no Gyoja's admonitions, in which he warns monks against negligence and promises them his protection. Although the tone is general, he instructs them to view those who break the precepts as "manifestations of Hitokotonushi" (Hitokotonushi no hengen ...), and tells them that even if his body may go to "Hu and Yue" (..., that is, China), his heart shall always remain at Mino'o. The fact that the Mino'odera engi contains En no Gyoja's last words before his departure for China warrants its antiquity and veracity. Finally, the text ends with an eight-line verse (ge ... As I will discuss later, this verse in classical Chinese has been valued as an expression of the core meaning of the engi. However, since various interpretations were allowed depending on the kundoku chosen, the verse was not only widely accepted, but also facilitated the creation of new meanings.

In this article, my aim is both to position the Mino'odera engi in the genealogy of En no Gyoja's hagiographies, and to determine how it was received in contexts that were both interior and exterior to Mino'odera. I shall argue that in the wake of the appearance (or forgery) and reception of this document, the spatial and temporal imaginaire of Mino'odera, as well as that of the sacred mountains in the Yamato area, and even that of Japanese Buddhist history, was reconfigured.

The Contents and History of the Mino'odera engi

It is unclear just when and how the Mino'odera engi was first composed. Though we may certainly imagine that the circumstances surrounding its compilation were connected to issues in the temple's administration, such as legal disputes involving the temple's estates and properties (shoen ..., jiryo ...) or fundraising campaigns for restoration purposes, no concrete evidence remains. The text is written in kanbun, in a careful and dignified hand, so that even though the author is also unidentified, it may be surmised that he was someone of erudition and ability. The only extant manuscript is a onescroll, Kamakura-period copy from the library of the aristocratic Kujo ... family; this is now held by the Archives and Mausolea Departement of the Imperial Household Agency (Kunaicho Shoryobu 1970). The manuscript is part of a large group of engi collected by Keisei ... (1189-1268), a monk of the Kujo family. Marked by formal variation, these manuscripts combine the work of Keisei and other copyists. One may therefore surmise that although the manuscripts were copied under different circumstances, Keisei collected them in connection with the religious policy of the Kujo family, to which he belonged (Chikamoto 2005).

En no Gyoja's achievements feature not only in the Mino'odera engi but also in another document belonging to the same group, the Taimadera ruki ... At the end of this text, Keisei, who was apparently concerned about the date of its contents, added comments in his own hand, including some parts of the Mino'odera engi. Stating that he felt the need to investigate dates linked to En no Gyoja's biography, Keisei quoted three examples from the Mino'odera engi and one from what he called the En no Gyoja-den ..., all of them with reference to specific dates.

As far as I have been able to determine, the earliest evidence for the circulation of the Mino'odera engi occurs in a ritual pronouncement (hyobyaku ...) written by Kakuken ... (1131-1212), a high-ranking Kofukuji ... monk, for a commemorative ceremony for Fujiwara no Kamatari ... (614-669), the founder of Kofukuji.2 As proof of his claim that "Japan is the world of virtuous roots of the Great Vehicle and its people are of the same nature as bodhisattvas," Kakuken cited two sources. The first is a passage from the "Dwellings of the Bodhisattvas" chapter in the eighty-fascicle version of the Kegonkyo (Sk. Avata?saka sutra; Ch. Huayan jing), which states that the bodhisattva Hoki ... resides at "Mt. Kongo" (Kongosen ...) (T no. 279, 10.241b23-b26); the other is a line from the verse at the end of the Mino'odera engi, which reads, "Hoki Bodhisattva of Mt. Kongo" (...). According to Kakuken, in both cases this refers to Japan's Mt. Kongo in the Kazuraki mountain range.

This verse was clearly well-known in Kakuken and Keisei's day, for it also appears in the Shozan engi (engi of the mountains), a roughly contemporary text that, like the Mino'odera engi, is preserved in Keisei's manuscript collection. Moreover, the ten-fascicle version of the early-Kamakura Iroha jiruisho ... (Iroha dictionary) extracts portions of the engi narrative and the verse, thereby presenting another early example of the text's reception (Kokan bijutsu shiryo 1: 224).

In terms of content, the Mino'odera engi centers on an account of a dream, in which En no Gyoja dreams that he enters a dragon cave hidden at the top of the Metaki ... waterfall at Mino'o. En discovers that in reality the cave is the Pure Land of the bodhisattva Nagarjuna (Ryuju Bosatsu ...). There En receives an esoteric initiation (kanjo ...) from Tokuzen Daio ..., in the presence of both Nagarjuna and Benzaiten ... Afterwards, En no Gyoja founded the temple of Mino'odera.

This episode is important for several reasons. First, it does not appear in earlier accounts of En no Gyoja's life, and thus represents a creative extension of En no Gyoja's biography. Second, it appropriates the traditional esoteric Shingon lineage, which starts with Mahavairocana (Dainichi Nyorai ...) and Vajrasattva (Kongosatta ...), extends through Nagarjuna (Ryumyo ..., who was assumed to be the same as Ryuju Bosatsu ...), and ends with Kukai.3 The Mino'odera engi inserts En no Gyoja into this lineage without creating the slightest ripple. Most importantly, by using the device of a dream to distort both the time and space of the Shingon lineage, this episode makes En no Gyoja over into an orthodox esoteric monk even before the introduction of Shingon Buddhism to Japan.

In order to understand the transformation in En's persona wrought by the Mino'odera engi, it is necessary to consider earlier versions of his biography. The earliest account of En's life appears in the Shoku nihongi ... under the heading "E no kimi ozunu ..." (Lord E Little Horn), and focuses on his banishment to an island off the shores of Izu (Shoku nihongi, Monmu ... 3 [699] /5/24). This exile episode formed the core of En's narrative career, and was taken up in various later sources such as the Nihon ryoiki ... (vol. 1, no. 28), Sanboe (vol. 2, no. 2.2), Honcho shinsenden ... (no. 3), and Konjaku monogatarishu ... (vol. 11, no. 3). Among these retellings of En's life story, the Sanboe, written by Minamoto no Tamenori ... in 984 (Eikan ... 2), is of particular interest because it accords him status as one of Japan's Buddhist heroes by placing his biography between those of Shotoku Taishi ... and Gyoki ... The Shotoku-En-Gyoki succession later became one of the standard ways of describing Japanese Buddhist history (Abe 2013, 454-57; Maeda 1999, 120-32). Significantly, none of these men were eminent monks in the classical sense: Shotoku was a prince and a layman, En was a semi-lay practitioner, and Gyoki gained fame for his work among commoners rather than service at elite rites and temples. This tendency to valorize En as an important Buddhist who operated outside official hierarchies was a crucial component in his later apotheosis as the yamabushi founder.

During the insei period, En no Gyoja's persona began to change in significant ways. An important first step was taken in the version of his biography included in the Fuso ryakki (Shortened chronicles of Japan), which was compiled toward the end of the eleventh century. This account is divided into two episodes. The first narrates En's exile to Izu in Monmu 3 [699] /5/24; the second tells of an imperial order issued in the first month of Monmu 5 [701] (=Taiho ... 1) calling for En no Gyoja to return to the capital. The second episode appears first as a summary drawn from the Tamenori-ki ... (that is, the Sanboe); then the complete account is recorded under the heading "En no kimi den ..."4 The En no kimi den narrative can be roughly divided into four stages:

1. En no Gyoja tries to have the kami build him a bridge between two mountains, Kinpusen ... and Mt. Kongo, but when the god Hitokotonushi ... slanders him, En is exiled to an island off Izu.

2. From Izu, he visits Mt. Fuji ... and, thanks to the intervention of the mountain's deity, Fuji Myojin ..., receives a pardon from the emperor.

3. After returning to the capital, En no Gyoja puts a spell on Hitokotonushi and travels to China with his mother.

4. While visiting China, the Japanese monk Dosho ... (629-700) chances upon En no Gyoja, who has become "third among the sages (shonin ...)." This term has strong Daoist valences; furthermore, in other versions of the biography, the term "immortal" (sennin ...) is used instead. Once Dosho is back in Japan, he relates the conversation he had with En.

All four of these narrative elements appear in biographies of En no Gyoja prior to the Sanboe, but the En no kimi den also features elements that are absent in the other stories. Especially important are comments in the fourth episode to the effect that En no Gyoja is the "third in rank among the forty Immortals of Tang China" or the "third holy man," as well as the claim that after his departure to China, En traveled back to Japan once every three years to visit Kinpusen, Mt. Kazuraki, and Mt. Fuji. These additions set a new standard in the elaboration of En's biography: En had now been vindicated of any wrongdoing, and had gained a continental pedigree.

By drawing upon these preestablished narratives, the Mino'odera engi capitalizes upon En's growing reputation in order to underscore its own status as a true account. First, the engi opens with an account of the introduction of Buddhism to Japan at the hands of Shotoku Taishi. Then, it borrows the frame of the "En no kimi den," while inserting a new section on Mino'o before the anecdote about Hitokotonushi's interruption of the bridge construction. Finally, by connecting itself to admonitions given by En shortly before he departed for China in Taiho ... 1 (701), the Mino'odera engi establishes both the antiquity and the strong local quality of its contents.

The overall manner of the Mino'odera engi is expressed directly and concisely in the eight-line verse appended at the end of the scroll.

Third Immortal in China,

En no Ubasoku in Japan.

Hoki Bosatsu on Mt. Kongo,

Daijo Itokuten on Kinpusen.

Ryuju and Benzai at Mino'odera,

The great sage Lord Fudo at the foot of the waterfall.

He changes his appearance in order to bestow the Buddhist teachings throughout the three worlds,

But where he longs to leave his traces is here, at Mino'o.

...

The first couplet, which describes En no Gyoja's manifestation before and after his stay in China, stems from the En no kimi den episode in which Dosho encounters En in China. The second couplet represents deities, a bodhisattva (Hoki Bosatsu ...), and a deva (Daijo Itokuten ...), who reside on the two mountains En no Gyoja intends to link with his bridge. These two figures are based respectively on the eighty-fascicle translation of the Kegonkyo, as discussed above, and the Nichizo yume no ki ... (Dream record of Nichizo), a Heian-period account in which the holy man Nichizo travels from Kinpusen to heaven and hell.5 The idea that the "Vajra Mountain" (Kongosen) described as Hoki's dwelling place in the "Dwellings of the Bodhisattvas" chapter of the eighty-fascicle Kegonkyo is one and the same as the Mount Kongo (Kongosan ...) that is the main summit of the Kazuraki mountain range appears to have been advanced by a high-ranking Kofukuji monk named Zoshun ... (1104- 1180).6 By contrast, the deity paired with Hoki in the verse has no canonical roots at all. According to an account preserved in two different recensions, in 941 Nichizo (then known as Doken) entered a cave in the mountains near Kinpusen but died while performing mandala rites. Before returning to life, he had a series of adventures, in which he encountered Daijo Itokuten, who revealed himself to be the apotheosis of the deceased statesman and literatus Sugawara no Michizane (845-903).7 One of the reasons Daijo Itokuten (and not Kongo Zao) was selected as the deity of Kinpusen may have been the sacralization of Sho no iwaya ..., a rockshelter located southeast of the summit of Kinpusen, as the locus of the encounter between Nichizo and Daijo Itokuten and the transformation of this narrative into a literary theme (Hirata 2008).

The verse's third couplet locates both Benzaiten and Nagarjuna at Mino'odera and refers to Fudo as the main deity of its waterfall. The first two deities correspond to the main text of the Mino'odera engi, which, as mentioned earlier, has En receive an initiation from Nagarjuna. Although no extant source corroborates the link between Fudo and Mino'o, given Fudo's close associations with waterfalls at other sites, it is quite plausible that he was venerated in the same way at Mino'o.

Finally, the last two lines state that Mino'o is where En no Gyoja "leaves his traces." This couplet sums up the entire engi: it not only subsumes the contents of En no kimi den, the Kegonkyo, and Nichizo yume no ki, but also explains that the reason for Mino'o's predominance is to be found in the career of En no Gyoja. Once it was recognized as a reliable account, the Mino'odera engi continued to be received as a source that conveys the true voice and innermost secrets of En no Gyoja.

Religious Activity and Engi at Mino'odera

In this section, I provide an outline of cultic elements at Mino'odera prior to the insei period. From there, I turn to an examination of the ways in which the Mino'odera engi actually reshaped the site's temporal and spatial imaginaire, thereby inventing En no Gyoja's footsteps, which lead from the secret of the transmission of Shingon Esoteric Buddhism prior to Kukai to the construction of the stone bridge.

Mino'o's religious origins are tied to the site's great waterfall, which is surrounded by mountains. During the regency period (mid-tenth to late eleventh century), Mino'o was known as a place of religious practice of a general, even generic, type. Narrative sources such as tale 23 in Nihon ojo gokurakuki ..., compiled in 985-987 by Yoshishige no Yasutane ... (933?- 1002), or tale 2.53 in Dainipponkoku hokekyo genki ..., compiled in 1040-1044 by Chingen ... (n.d.), cast Mino'o as a place where Pure Land practitioners would pray for rebirth. In the Shinsarugakuki ..., written by Fujiwara no Akihira ... (989-1066), Mino'o figures alongside Omine ..., Kazuraki ..., Kumano ..., Kinpu ..., Tateyama ..., Hashiriyu ..., and so forth, and Akihira lists these as sacred mountains visited by a fictional character named Jiro ... According to Akihira, Jiro is a practitioner even more exceptional than En no Gyoja or Jozo ... (891-964) (Hirabayashi 1976; Yanase 1943). In addition, the Fuso ryakki mentions a waterfall at Mino'o under which Senkan ... (918-984) is said to have prayed for rain. The example of Shinsarugakuki shows that the major Japanese sacred mountains visited by practitioners were already systematized by the mid-Heian period, and that Mino'o was counted as one such mountain. On the other hand, the example drawn from Fuso ryakki demonstrates that Mino'o's waterfall was known as a place for rainmaking practices.

During the insei period, Mino'odera began to emerge more clearly as a site where hijiri ..., mobile "holy men," were especially active.8 Two songs in the imayo ... collection Ryojin hisho describe Mino'o quite clearly as one of Japan's most distinguished "dwellings of the hijiri." Poem 297 enumerates the dwellings of the hijiri in a geographical order:

Where are the dwellings of the hijiri?

In Mino'o, in Kachio, on Mt. Sosa in Harima; at Wanibuchi and Hi-no-misaki in Izumo; and in the south, at Nachi in Kumano.

...

Here the progression of sites begins in the Kinai ... with Mino'odera and Kachiodera in the province of Settsu, followed by the San'yodo with Mt. Sosa in the province of Harima, the San'indo with Wanibuchi and Hi-no-misaki in the province of Izumo, and ends in the Nankaido with Kumano and Nachi in Kii province. By comparison, poem 298 supplies the names of important sites of mountain practice without any geographical order:

Where are the dwellings of the hijiri?

In Omine, Kazuraki, Ishi-no-tsuchi; in Mino'o, in Kachio, on Mount Sosa in Harima; and in the south, at Nachi and Shingu in Kumano.

...

Here Omine and Kazuraki (Yamato province) are followed by Ishizuchi (Iyo province), then Mino'odera, Kachiodera, and Mt. Sosa, and in the end, Nachi and Shingu in Kumano.

Given that these lyrics were compiled by Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa (1127-1192), their representation of Mino'o shows that aristocrats and high-ranking monks from the capital were aware of this area as a site for aspiration and faith on the part of itinerant holy men.

Votive texts and pilgrimage records indicate that the contents of the Mino'odera engi were shaping practice at the site toward the end of the twelfth century. For example, an 1179 prayer used for the dedication of a Hall of Constant Practice (jogyodo ...) begins with the following statement: "Well, Mino'odera in the province of Settsu has been a splendid mountain god. En no Ubasoku started his practice there, and Tokuzen Daio has become the tutelary deity of its sacred shrine" ("Mino'odera jogyodo kuyo ganmon" ..., dated Jisho ... 3/10, in Zoku gunsho ruiju 28.1: 524-25). A few years earlier, when Taira no Nobunori ... (1112-1187) made a pilgrimage, he characterized Mino'odera as "the sacred site of Ryuju Bosatsu's manifest traces (suijaku ...), a miraculous place of vast virtue." He wrote that he made an offering of lamps, went before "the godess Benzai" (Benzai tennyo ...), and climbed up to the foot of the waterfall, where he worshipped at several places. The various offerings of coins and valuables Nobunori had prepared amounted to a large sum (Hyohanki, Kao 2 (1170)/4/5). From these sources, we see not only that the engi's vision of the local founder figure (En no Gyoja) and the local pantheon (Ryuju and Tokuzen) had taken hold, but also that elite pilgrims had begun to visit Mino'o.

One may surmise that during this period, Mino'o's partisans were trying to uphold the site's relationship with the capital's great temples while also enhancing its spiritual authority (reii ...), a common strategy at other sites. There are, however, very few documents available to substantiate this inference. One striking piece of evidence is that in 1204 Dharma Prince Doho ... (1166- 1214), who was the seventh royal Ninnaji abbot (Ninnaji omuro ...) and was involved in several of Retired Emperor Go-Toba's pilgrimages to Kumano, visited Mino'o.9 In light of Doho's visit, it is important to note Mino'odera became a Ninnaji subtemple in 1214, although the present state of the historical record makes it impossible to prove a connection between these two events. Most likely, Doho's pilgrimage was part of a larger pattern of interchange between Ninnaji and Mino'odera; indeed, ties between the two sites appear to have dated back at least to the time of Dharma Prince Kakusho ... (1129-1169), who was active at Kumano and was Ninnaji's fifth royal abbot.10 In fact, it is clear from poetic sources that Kakusho secluded himself at Mino'o in order to undertake religious practice there. Three waka are attributed to him: two sent as replies in poetic exchanges with Minamoto no Yoritsune ... and the Dharma Bridge Keishin ... (Shukkanshu nos. 760 and 763, Shinpen kokka taikan 7: 154), and one composed when Kakusho emerged from Mino'o and departed for Koya ... (Shukkanshu no. 745, Shinpen kokka taikan 7: 154). The last of these, which is anthologized in the Senzai wakashu (vol. 16, no. 1001, snkbt 10: 300), is well known:

...

Mino'o no yamadera ni higoro komori idekeru akatsuki, tsuki no omoshiroku haberikereba

Ko no ma moru ariake no tsuki no okurazu wa hitoriya yama no mine wo idemashi

The Novice Dharma Prince from Ninnaji [Kakusho], on regarding the moon before dawn when he emerged from a seclusion of many days at the mountain temple at Mino'o:

If the lingering moon at daybreak, its light filtering through the trees, had not seen me off, I would have been alone in departing from the mountain.

Setting aside the question of the poet's skill, we might infer that by depicting himself as carrying out strenuous practice at Mino'o, Kakusho aimed to compare himself with Gyoson (1055-1135), who was the epitome of high-ranking monks engaged in performing religious practice in the mountains and forests. Gyoson, who held the offices of Onjoij abbot (chori ...) and Tendai patriarch (zasu ...), served as a guide (sendatsu ...) to both Retired Emperor Shirakawa and Retired Emperor Toba on their pilgrimages to Kumano. Even after Gyoson passed away, his disciple Kakushu ... (1078-1153), and Kakushu's disciple Kakusan ... (1095-1180) were regularly summoned as imperial guides to Kumano. Gyoson also was a famous poet, and his achievements as a mountain practitioner were well known through his poems (Kondo 1978; Kawasaki 2008). Alternatively, we might view the inclusion of Kakusho's poem in an imperial anthology as an index of the popularity of the Mino'odera cult. The date of the Mino'odera engi's compilation is unknown and it is impossible to substantiate any concrete connection between that text and Kakusho's activities; nonetheless, Kakusho represents a convergence of elite monks, court culture, and the Mino'o cult that is indicative of the growing stature of the site.

By the first decades of the thirteenth century, not only was Mino'odera a client of Ninnaji, but it was also drawing an array of elite pilgrims. When the nobleman and diarist Fujiwara no Tsunemitsu ... (1212-1274) made a pilgrimage to Mino'odera in 1233 (Tenpuku ... 1), he mentioned seeing more than three hundred monastic cells there raised on stilts. Even if Tsunemitsu exaggerated the number of residences, his comments still speak to the site's prosperity. Like Nobunori, Tsunemitsu echoed the formulae presented in the Mino'odera engi: first he worshipped Nagarjuna, whom he called Ryuju Gongen ..., and then the tutelary deity, who, according to the 1179 prayer quoted above, was Tokuzen Daio. After that, he went on to visit Fudo ... under the waterfall, describing him as the main deity from the days of old when the temple was founded. Although his attendants climbed the precipitous path up to the top of the waterfall, Tsunemitsu himself did not, a circumstance that he considered a source of bitterness (ikon ...). His attendants told him that above the waterfall, there was a dazzling site called "the place for ascetic practices" (gyodosho ... Furthermore, Tsunemitsu let it be known that the appearance of the priests and the Treasure Hall at Mino'o's tutelary shrine were similar to those at Kumano (Minkeiki, Tenpuku ... 1 [1233]/2/3).

Despite the limited source material available as evidence, we may safely conclude that as early as 1170, a pilgrimage route had been set up at Mino'odera, along which lay pilgrims would climb all the way to the foot of the waterfall after having worshipped Ryuju Bosatsu in the temple's main hall. We may also imagine that the origins of the area around the top and the foot of the waterfall, as well as the various spots in the scenery visible from there, were explained by the temple monks, and that the site came to be revered as the actual place where En no Gyoja's dream initiation had taken place. We cannot know the inner thoughts of the creators of the Mino'odera engi, but after the engi had been accepted at the temple, Mino'o took shape as a sacred site where intensive practice by monks intersected with the pilgrimages of laypeople.

Appropriation and Transformation: The Mino'odera engi in the Hands of the Kofukuji Monks Kakuken and Jokei

As Doho and Kakusho's activity at Mino'o indicates, influential monastics without longstanding ties there took a growing interest in the site at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Yet we also need to consider how the Mino'odera engi was received outside of Mino'odera itself; in this respect, two Kofukuji monks, Kakuken ... and his disciple Jokei ..., provide a helpful example. As mentioned earlier, Mt. Kongo, the main summit of the Kazuraki mountain range, situated on the western edge of Yamato Province, had come to be known as a mountain where En no Gyoja had practiced. Kakuken, who was the disciple of the aforementioned Zoshun, another Kofukuji monk, articulated the same theory as his master when he delivered lectures on the Mukushokyo ... (Scripture of the stainless name), Xuanzang's translation of the Vimalakirtinirdesa, in 1173 (Shoan ... 3/8/9). Kakuken, however, supported his argument with a citation of the eightverse stanza at the end of the Mino'odera engi, which he referred to simply as "an engi." The only point of divergence is that in the fifth line Kakuken refers to "Ryuju Bosatsu ...," whereas the Mino'odera engi has "Ryuju and Benzai ...."11 This shows that the engi, or at least the stanza, was circulating among Kofukuji monks by the last quarter of the twelfth century.

In the milieu surrounding Gedatsubo Jokei ..., a renunciant monk (tonseiso ...) from Kofukuji who moved to Kasagidera ... in 1193 (Kenkyu ... 4), information about Mino'o was used to enhance the reputation of Kasagi. Located in southern Yamashiro ... Province (now Kyoto Prefecture), this site is well known for its carving of an image of Maitreya (Miroku ...) in the cliff behind the temple (Takei 1986; 1987; Chikamoto 2000; Funada 2010).12 Around the time that Jokei started renovating this temple and rebuilding it on a grand scale, a text known as the Ichidai-no-mine engi ... was produced to celebrate the ancient history of Kasagi. The earliest extant version of the Ichidai-no-mine engi is contained in the Shozan engi, which was copied sometime around 1230?-1260?; it also bears an opening note and a colophon stating that it was compiled by Doken ... (that is, Nichizo ...) on Engi ... 16 (916)/5/12. In terms of content, the Ichidai-no-mine engi differs dramatically from previous engi about Kasagidera. Nonetheless, the earlier Kasagidera iso to no koto ... does say that Nichizo had climbed up to Kasagidera, which shows that there was indeed a connection between older texts and the new engi.13 In addition to recounting Doken's mystical experiences in "the dragon hole of the Kokuzo cave" (Kokuzo iwaya no ryuketsu ...) at Kasagi, it also makes new claims, namely, that En no Gyoja was a previous incarnation of Nichizo, that both En and Nichizo made the ascent to the cave at Kasagi, and that they shared a common pledge to live on Mt. Kasagi in order to protect the practitioners of generations to come.

Elements found in the Ichidai-no-mine engi narrative are woven into the first half of the eight-verse stanza found in the Mino'odera engi: "Third Immortal in China, En no Ubasoku in Japan. / Hoki Bosatsu on Mt. Kongo, Daijo Itokuten on Kinpusen." Conversely, the Ichidai-no-mine engi reuses a phrase from the same stanza in the section preceding the record of En no Gyoja's ascent into the Kasagi cavern, and models the section in which Doken enters Kasagi's cave upon the episode in Mino'odera engi where En enters Ryuju's Pure Land behind the Mino'o waterfall. Furthermore, in describing En no Gyoja's territory, the Ichidai-no-mine engi augments Mt. Kongo and Kinpusen with "the cave of Kasagi, Ichidai-no-mine" (Ichidai-no-mine no Kasagi iwaya ...). This produces a framework for a new sacred landscape, in which the mountains are interpreted as "the peaks of the three-fold secret dharma" ...: the Vajra Realm (Kongokai ...), the Susiddhi Realm (...), and the Womb Realm (Taizokai ...)(Shozan engi, 136).

Much as we saw with Kakuken, the Mino'odera engi text was being repeatedly used in ways that were not directly linked to devotion to Mino'odera. It is unclear who authored the Ichidai-no-mine engi, but its manuscript history, together with its contents and Kasagidera's institutional circumstances, make it quite likely that Jokei and his circle created the text. In this respect, it is important to note that Kasagidera iso to no koto, mentioned above, was also owned by Keisei in the form of a manuscript copied from a version that had been written out by Jokei. It is thus quite possible that Keisei's manuscript of Shozan engi, which included the Ichidai-no-mine engi, had also been copied from a text transmitted by Jokei and his circle.

Approximately a decade later, during the Kennin ... era (1201-1203), Kofukuji monks, including Jokei, were involved in the restoration on the temple at Mt. Kongo. Although the project's sponsor (ganshu ...), a monk named Keiun ..., remains unidentified, we know that the Kofukuji abbot (betto ...) Gaen ... (1138-1223) raised funds for this campaign.14 Furthermore, Jokei authored the dedicatory vow (Sanbutsujo-sho ..., in Kokan bijutsu shiryo 2: 95-96; see also Kawasaki 2010). In this ganmon, he presents Hoki Bosatsu and En no Gyoja as being of a single substance (dotai ...), which suggests that they are both present at Mt. Kongo. On the basis of these considerations, we may infer that Jokei was using the second and third verses of the stanza from the Mino'odera engi as a reference.

In creating a sense of mystery surrounding Yamato's sacred mountains, statements initially made in order to feign the authenticy of the Mino'odera engi thus came to function precisely as statements made in the Mino'odera engi. The production of these claims is a fascinating phenomenon in and of itself, but I want to call particular attention to the fact that neither Kakuken nor Jokei was interested in narratives of the origins of Mino'odera per se. Rather, they turned to the text known as the Mino'odera engi because of its reputation for age and authenticity, and drew upon it as a source text in support of their own opinions. Moreover, by rereading and rewriting it, they invented another, supposedly ancient and reliable body of lore about sites in which they had strong interests, namely, Kasagidera and Mt. Kongo. For them, the sites to be revered and glorified were the sacred mountains of Yamato; therefore, they did not see it as their task to extoll the origins of Mino'odera, despite their sense of the age and truth of those origins.

Esoteric Orthodoxy and the Dream Initiation (muchu kanjo)

As stated above, the dream initiation described in the Mino'odera engi suggests that En no Gyoja was endowed with the legitimacy of Esoteric Buddhism by Ryuju Bosatsu (Nagarjuna) through the mediation of Tokuzen Daio in a dream. Unfortunately, there is no way to know how the Ninnaji abbot and Dharma Prince Doho viewed the relationship between orthodox esoteric transmissions and En no Gyoja's dream initiation, or how he brought Mino'odera under the sway of Ninnaji. Later sources, however, do give a sense of how the idea that En was an esoteric patriarch was received in the years after the engi's composition.

In the Shichi tengu-e ..., compiled at the end of the Kamakura period, the fifth section, which is devoted to yamabushi and tonsei renunciants, is particularly striking (Takahashi 2003; Abe 2003). In this passage, a description of Mino'o immediately follows accounts of Omine and Kazuraki:

Mino'o's waterfall is Ryuju's Pure Land, as well as Benzaiten's sacred site. Below the deep basin, there is a waterfall three feet in height, which always spouts black clouds. Seeing a five-colored light, En no Gyoja entered the mountain to search for it. He went into the abyss at the top of the waterfall and, opening a gate of stone, he encountered Ryuju and received water from the vase of the five wisdoms (gochi ...) and the school of the three mysteries (sanmitsu no nagare ...). (Takahashi 2003, 105)

In other words, Ryuju anointed En with water in an abhisekha (kanjo ...). Obliterating the ambiguity found in previous sources, this account clearly states that the Buddhist teachings were conferred upon En no Gyoja by Ryuju Bosatsu. The text then continues:

After that, Kobo ... and Chisho ..., the two great masters (daishi ...), both entered Omine, where they followed En no Gyoja's traces.

In other words, this section of the Shichi tengu-e asserts not only that En no Gyoja possessed an impeccable esoteric pedigree, but also that both Shingon and Tendai lineages endorsed it by following his traces. En thus becomes an esoteric patriarch in his own right; by extension, Mino'o becomes an esoteric site par excellence.

It would be untenable to rely on a single source to assess the degree of awareness people had of Shingon monks during the Kamakura period, but fortunately two other texts, the Todaiji gusho ... and Shingon den, corroborate the view provided by the Shichi tengu-e. In Todaiji sanju sojo an ..., a document included among records of a fourteenth-century dispute between Todaiji and Daigoji in Todaiji gusho, the Todaiji side brought up En no Ubasoku in response to Daigoji's assertion that the Shingon school had not yet been transmitted to Japan at the time of Todaiji's founding.15 They claimed that "the peak of awakening" (bodai no mine ..., Omine) was a site for esoteric initiation, and that Narutakidera ..., located on "the peak of the single vehicle" (Ichijo no mine ..., Kazuraki), manifests the twofold mandala. Furthermore, they stated that at the foot of Mino'o's flying spring (...), which is to say the waterfall, En no Ubasoku saw the true body of the mahasattva Nagarjuna (Ryumyo Daishi ...) and received the secret mudra awarded by the king of the teachings (scroll B; Todaiji honmatsu soron shiryo, 659). Moreover, the Todaiji partisans also asserted that En no Ubasoku had received an esoteric initiation into the twofold mandalas (ryobu kanjo ...) at the foot of the Mino'o waterfall, and that the mandalas showed "Kinpu in the southern mountains" (...) (scroll C; Todaiji honmatsu soron shiryo, 671). In other words, the Todaiji side used this episode as an important basis from which to lay claim to a Shingon transmission that occured before Kobo Daishi. Although there are some differences between the Todaiji account and the Mino'odera engi (for instance, in the former, En receives his initiation at the bottom of the waterfall), the two sources are remarkably similar.

The Shingon den, compiled by the Kajuji ... monk Yokai ... (1278-1347), includes a section on "En no Ubasoku." It seems that Yokai looked at a number of different biographies of En no Gyoja in order to put together his own version, but the source he relied upon most heavily was the Mino'odera engi. In several places there is verbatim correspondence between the two texts; therefore, it is quite possible that Yokai had direct access to the Mino'odera engi. In the middle of the biography, under the heading "I think..." (watakushi ni iu ...), Yokai concedes that the identity of En no Gyoja's teacher is at best questionable, given that Shingon was introduced to Japan by Kobo Daishi, who lived a century or so later. Nonetheless, he adds:

What is most praiseworthy about our country is that he practiced in Omine and revealed that it is the Two Realms. Perhaps En no Gyoja, by visiting Ryuju Bosatsu's Pure Land and by going so far as to receive the teachings as well as the initiation, manifested supernormal powers (jinriki ...).

Here, in a context where En's esoteric initiation serves as the cause of his practice in the Two Realms (that is, Omine), Yokai expresses his approval. The need for additional sources to confirm these examples notwithstanding, it seems doubtful that Yokai's stance was uncommon. To all appearances, by the end of the Kamakura period, En had completed his transformation into a fully esoteric figure, a process that had been inaugurated by the Mino'odera engi. This shift is especially important because it occured just when the term shugen came to be applied exclusively to yamabushi (Tokunaga 2001; Hasegawa 1991).

Conclusion

During the insei period, the Mino'odera engi, which first gained acceptance as an ancient and reliable document, took on different guises and produced different values depending on when, where, and how it was received, whether inside or outside Mino'odera itself. Depending on the occasion, it imbued the physical surroundings of Mino'odera with meaning, constructed a pilgrimage route and objects of worship, or generated an entirely different temporal and spatial imaginaire by virtue of changes and modifications to the text.

What I want to emphasize in particular is that following its reception outside the temple, the Mino'odera engi transformed from being an engi about one single temple into a text that described the core of Japan's Buddhist history in light of the transmission through the three countries (sangoku denrai). As a result, people became conscious of En no Gyoja, the ubasoku founder of the yamabushi community, as an esoteric Buddhist monk who had received the first esoteric initiation in Japan-even before Kukai, and directly from Ryuju Bosatsu. By the Kamakura period, this awareness of En was widely disseminated, even among Shingon monks; in fact, it was deeply connected to the circumstances of Japanese Buddhism during the Kamakura period. These circumstances meant that on the one hand, yamabushi were valued sufficiently that they came to monopolize shugen. On the other, yamabushi coexisted with specialists in exoteric (kengyo) and esoteric (mikkyo) Buddhism, and were more accepted than rejected at great temples where the study of multiple doctrinal schools and ritual practices flourished. From the period of the Northern and Southern Courts onward, we see strong assertions of the privileged status of yamabushi shugen vis-à-vis exoteric and Esoteric Buddhism. This was the eve of the establishment of Shugendo, demarcated by a line between it and other schools.

When we relate an engi's interior (its form and content) to its exterior (its reception within particular institutional and social contexts), we find that jisha engi have a rich and multifarious existence. This gives us reason to call for a more inclusive view of these ever-changing texts, one in which the exterior of the text-its "outer workings"-are taken into consideration, sometimes even imagined. Once the validity of such an outlook and method is confirmed, we will be better equipped to appraise the value of jisha engi and the various projects involving them.

Footnote

1. The use of the term shugen ... to designate mountain practitioners exclusively seems to date only from the late Kamakura period onwards (Hasegawa 1991; Tokunaga 2002); therefore, I refer to them here as yamabushi.

2. Kakuken's hyobyaku is preserved in his Sangoku dentoki ... On this text, see Yokouchi 2004; Ichikawa 1999, 46-69; Kawasaki 2007.

3. Editor's note: on the orthodox Shingon lineage, see Abé 1999, 220-33.

4. Oyamada Kazuo (1996) suggests that the En no kimi den was written in Jogan ... 15 (873), but his arguments are insufficient; therefore, the current assumption that the Sanboe account is earlier must be maintained.

5. This account exists in a longer version (the Eikyuji-bon ...) and a shorter, better-known version, the Doken shonin meido ki ..., which is included in the Fuso ryakki (Yamamoto 2012, 21-35; Takei 2004; Abe 2010). Since the verse is so condensed, it is impossible to know on which version it is based.

6. Zoshun is credited with this explanation in Joe wajo nyubu-ki ... (Shozan engi, 129-30; Kawasaki 2007, 17).

7. See Fuso ryakki, Tengyo ... 4/third month. Translator's note: for English translations of this account, see Tyler 1987, 144-49, and Hino 2009, 287-93.

8. On hijiri more generally, see Gorai (1975) and Hirabayashi (1981).

9. Doho either performed ritual prayers for Go-Toba's pilgrimage to Kumano at Ninnaji (1206, 1210) or went to Kumano ahead of the imperial procession (1207, 1212, 1214); see Miyachi (1954, 262-86).

10. In 1156 Kakusho went to Kumano for the dedication of the nine-storied octagonal pagoda built there on the basis of a vow made by Retired Emperor Toba. He also installed Kumano Nyakuoji ... as the tutelary deity of Ninnaji's Daishoin ... (Kawasaki 2003).

11. See Mino'odera engi, 128.

12. Translator's note: in English, see also Goodwin (1977; 1994) and Brock (1988).

13. Kasagidera iso to no koto is included in Kondo honbutsu shuchiki ...; see Kunaicho Shoryobu (1970, 165-71).

14. See Kongosan naiin ge'in konryu kanjin cho ..., dated Kocho ... 2 [1262], seventh month (Tokyo Kotenkai 2009, text 65, plate 39).

15. See Todaiji gusho scrolls B, C, and D. The disputes centered on main-branch temple status and occured between Showa 2 and 4 (1313 to 1315) (Nagamura 1988; Inaba 2008, 749-74).

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[translated by Carina Roth]