Demonology and Eroticism Islands of Women in the Japanese Buddhist Imagination

Abstract

The demonic female, an object of male anxiety and desire, has long been a stock character in Japanese Buddhist literature. This article examines two female realms in the Japanese literary and visual imagination: Rasetsukoku, a dreaded island of female cannibals, and Nyogogashima, a fabled isle of erotic fantasy. I trace the persistence and transformation of these sites in tale literature, sutra illustration, popular fiction, and Japanese cartography from the twelfth through the nineteenth century to show how the construction of Japanese identity relies on the mapping of the marginal. In doing so, I argue for the centrality of Buddhism to Japan's cartographic tradition and the importance of cartography in Japanese Buddhist literary and visual culture. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Headnote

The demonic female, an object of male anxiety and desire, has long been a stock character in Japanese Buddhist literature. This article examines two female realms in the Japanese literary and visual imagination: Rasetsukoku, a dreaded island of female cannibals, and Nyogogashima, a fabled isle of erotic fantasy. I trace the persistence and transformation of these sites in tale literature, sutra illustration, popular fiction, and Japanese cartography from the twelfth through the nineteenth century to show how the construction of Japanese identity relies on the mapping of the marginal. In doing so, I argue for the centrality of Buddhism to Japan's cartographic tradition and the importance of cartography in Japanese Buddhist literary and visual culture.

keywords: Rasetsukoku-Nyogogashima-Japanese cartography-Buddhist narrative-visual culture

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)

For the male authors of medieval Japanese Buddhist literature, the female body was an endless source of fear and fascination. "Women," according to the oft-quoted sutra passage, "are the emissaries of hell; they cut off forever the seed of buddhahood. On the outside they have the faces of bodhisattvas, but on the inside they have the hearts of demons."1 The popular genres of medieval literature, such as setsuwa, kana hogo, honjimono, and otogizoshi, are full of deceptive, duplicitous, and dangerous women. Attractive and alluring in appearance, they are invariably devils in disguise: ferocious figures of insatiable passion. Conjured by the fantasies and frustrations of celibate ideals, the demonic female, an object of displaced desire and one of the oldest figments of the Buddhist imagination, remained an obsessive presence in the visual and literary culture of the age.

Buddhist demonology includes many ferocious females but perhaps few more terrifying than the rasetsu ... (Skt. raksasi), orectic shape-shifting cannibals who seduce men and then literally eat them alive.2 Rasetsukoku ..., the land of these horrific man-eaters, is an isolated realm: an island to the south of the world continent on which we dwell, known in Sanskrit as Jambudvipa and in Japanese as Nansenbush. ... or Enbudaishu ... In Japan, this isle of demonic women appeared first in the literary and visual culture of the late Heian period and for centuries thereafter occupied an enduring and evolving place in the Buddhist imagination.

Rasetsukoku represented a conflicted site of desire and denial, of anxiety and alterity: a realm where the boundaries of religion and sexuality were encountered and explored. It lay forever at the margins of the known world, marking the furthest edge of cultural identity. Yet, like a floating island, it remained unfixed. It drifted, both geographically and semantically, until what was once a land of demons south of India was rediscovered as an erotic paradise south of Japan. In this article I examine the inscription and transition of Rasetsukoku in texts, images, and maps in order to locate the demonic feminine in one region of Japanese Buddhist culture. In doing so, I hope to suggest not only how Buddhist views of the world provided maps of meaning for literature and art in medieval Japan, but also how cartography might be understood as a form of fiction.

Textual Grounds and Visual Fields

Rasetsukoku is first found in Japanese literature among the stories of India collected in the Tenjiku ... section of the twelfth-century Konjaku monogatari shu ... (Konno 1999, 388-94).3 "How Sokara and Five Hundred Merchants Went to the Land of the Rasetsu" tells of a group of merchants who set sail from Jambudvipa to the southern seas in search of treasure. They are shipwrecked on an island of beautiful women, and "lust and passion immediately arise in their hearts" (388). They ask the women to take them in and more than willingly follow them back to their compound, an expansive, and exclusively female, gated community where each man takes a wife and enjoys a life of bliss. But their leader Sokara ... senses something strange about these women and decides one day to take a look around. He discovers, to his horror, a prison of men, some reduced to corpses, scattered bones, and bits of flesh. One of the prisoners tells Sokara that he too was once a merchant, similarly shipwrecked, who had enjoyed his time in this realm of the senses until the next ship was washed ashore and he and his mates were consigned to this prison to be slowly consumed. He warns Sokara not to be fooled by false beauty, for the women are in fact rasetsu demons. The merchants then pray to the bodhisattva Kannon, who appears as a great white horse, to carry them back to Jambudvipa. The rasetsu women resume their demonic form to pursue their prey. Most of the merchants are able to escape, but one, "thinking of his wife's beautiful face, loses his grip on the horse, falls into the sea, and is immediately devoured by the demons" (390.91).

The story, however, does not end here. Two years later, the rasetsu woman whom Sokara had taken for his wife appears before him when he is sleeping alone. Looking even more beautiful, she begs him to return. "And if one didn't know her true nature, one would surely have trusted her" (391). Sokara, however, is under no illusions, and he threatens to cut her down with his sword. Full of resentment, she appeals to the palace, where the king "lusts after her." Sokara announces that "she is a man-eating demon," but the king, "deeply affected by desire," ignores the warning and "stays in bed with her for three days." When the woman reappears, with frenzied eyes and a blood-stained mouth, it is already too late. All that is left of the king is "a pool of blood and hair" (392). Sokara gathers an army, attacks the island, and destroys the women who, "no longer able to conceal their true nature, revert to their rasetsu form" (394). Sokara is victorious; he is made king of the island, which his descendents, we are told, populate to this day.

Like many of the Indian tales in the Konjaku, the story derives ultimately from the jataka tradition, the edifying accounts of the Buddha's previous lives. It is also an origin narrative of the country of Simhala (present-day Sri Lanka), the island kingdom south of the Indian subcontinent. Sokara, who bears the Japanese name for Simhala, is identified both as the founder of this kingdom and as the Buddha in one of his innumerable prior existences. The tradition of pre-conquest Lanka as an island of rak.asi is not limited to Buddhist literature and is found as well in the two great South Asian epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. Versions of the Simhala jataka appear throughout Buddhist Asia, in Pali, Prakrit, Sanskrit, Khotanese, Tibetan, Newari, and Chinese collections.4 The Konjaku's direct source, however, is the Great Tang Record of the Western Regions ... (Da Tang xi yu ji), the seventh-century account of the Chinese monk Xuanzang's pilgrimage to India, in which the tale appears as part of the history of the country of Simhala in the opening section of the eleventh fascicle (Da tang xi yu ji 933a-934a).5

The lessons of this morality tale are transparent enough. The Buddha (Simhala) leads his five hundred disciples (the five hundred merchants) to seek the three treasures. When they are entrapped and nearly consumed by desire (the rak.asi), the bodhisattva of compassion comes to their aid to ferry them across the sea (of sa.sara) to the other shore (of nirvana or the Pure Land). The simple teaching that illusion leads only to desire and suffering, however, is told as an elaborate adventure of sex and violence in the best tradition of Indian and Japanese Buddhist literature. The haunting figure of the femme fatale, hovering at the boundary between attraction and horror, colors the lure of eros with the threat of thanatos.6

The earliest representation of the tale in Japanese visual culture is contemporaneous with the jataka's appearance in setsuwa literature, but is situated in a different context. As Julia Meech has shown, although images of the jataka are to be found in South, Central, and Southeast Asia, the tale was first depicted in Japan among illustrations of the Lotus Sutra (Meech-Pekarik 1981, 112). The twenty-fifth chapter of the Lotus, known as the "Kanzeon Fumonbon" ..., enumerates ten perils from which the bodhisattva Kannon assures protection. Among them is the danger of being shipwrecked on an island of man-eating demons. All ten of the perils were commonly depicted in Chinese Lotus Sutra paintings from the Tang and Song, but in the Japanese art of the Lotus Sutra, the danger of this demonic isle received special attention (Murase 1971). The Heike nokyo of 1164 and a late-twelfth-century illuminated Lotus Sutra in the Tokugawa Reimeikai, for example, single out the scene for their frontispiece paintings of the twenty-fifth chapter (Meech-Pekarik 1981, 114-16). Unlike the Chinese examples, in which the scene is merely one of ten dangers, the Japanese paintings limit the representation of Kannon's omnipotence to this scene alone. Moreover, although ostensibly an illustration of the Lotus Sutra, the subject of the Japanese paintings does not in fact derive from the sutra's text. The Lotus refers to the threat of male, not female, demons (raksasa, not raksasi). Yet the frontispiece from the Tokugawa collection shows a storm-tossed ship about to make landfall on an island where two alluring women stand beckoning on the shore. There are no alluring women beckoning from shore in the text of the Lotus Sutra, only in the jataka. The Heike nokyo frontispiece shows the merchants clinging to a flying white horse pursued by demons (figure 1). There is no flying white horse in the Lotus Sutra, only in the jataka. Some of those riding the horse are about to reach the other shore, but others, unable to curb their desire, have fallen into the sea. None of this is from the Lotus; all of it is from the jataka.7

With visual representations of Buddhist narrative one must be careful, as Eugene Wang warns, not to "presuppose the primacy of the text" and ascribe to the image only an "auxiliary and subservient" role (Wang 2005, 74). Buddhist visuality is informed but not bound by scriptural sources. It is a constructive rather than a derivative medium that can produce narratives as well as reflect them. In the long journey from India to China to Japan, the topos of Rasetsukoku passed from one narrative context to another: a relocation in both textual and spatial terms. In the geography of the Japanese Buddhist imagination, Rasetsukoku- the locus classicus of the demonic female-retained its mobility; it could be transported to other places and extended to other kinds of social space.

Cartographic Images

In this movement across literary genres and visual media, from Buddhist tale literature to the art of the Lotus Sutra, the Land of Demon Women entered the corpus of Japanese cartography. On maps of Japan, dating from the early fourteenth through the late eighteenth century, Rasetsukoku was depicted, named, and described along the southern boundary of the archipelago. At once marking and exceeding the border of the map itself, Rasetsukoku set the margins of visibility, the frame in which identity could be imagined, what Ronald Toby has referred to as the "boundary conditions setting what was beyond the limits of 'Japan'" (Toby n.d., 39).

Rasetsukoku appears on the earliest Japanese maps of Japan, known as Gyokistyle maps (Gyokizu ... or Gyoki shiki nihonzu ...) because of the ascription of this cartography to the legendary Nara-period monk. The association with Gyoki, however, seems to have developed within the culture of esoteric Buddhism many centuries after the monk's time. According to the fourteenthcentury Tendai source, Keiran shuyoshu ..., "the bodhisattva Gyoki traveled around Japan and determined the boundaries of the country?c At that time he drew what he saw: the shape of the country as a one-pointed vajra (tokko ...)" (Keiran shuyoshu, 519a). As the outer form of the country was given a Buddhist reading, so too were its internal structures:

Our country of the Great Japan is divided into five provinces and seven major roads. It is also patterned after the nine-level Pure Land, which like the nine stories of a castle denote the nine divisions of the Diamond Mandala. The five-fold division of the provinces denotes the dharma nature of the five great elements in the Womb Mandala. The seven roads are the seven forms of consciousness of perfect enlightenment producing the subtle attainment of nonduality. (Keiran shuyoshu, 511a)

On what may be the earliest example of such a map, Rasetsukoku defines the southernmost land of this Buddhist cartography (figure 2).8 The map, dated 1305 and belonging to the Shingon-Ritsu temple Shomyoji ..., is incomplete. Only the section depicting the western half of Japan has been preserved, and the archipelago that remains.Honshu, Kyushu, and Shikoku-is oriented to the south and encircled by the body of a dragon, a serpentine boundary that protects and distinguishes the country from six foreign lands that surround it. Along the southern edge of the map is an undulating coastline labeled "Rasetsukoku" and annotated "women here, those who come here never return" ... Five other land forms complete the frame, orienting and defining Japan both spatially and culturally. In the southwest corner lies the "Great Island of the Ryukyu country" (Ryukyu koku Ujima - ...), whose inhabitants have "the bodies of humans and the heads of birds." Protruding from the map's western edge are the "366 provinces of Land of the Tang" (Kara or Morokoshi "?"y). Filling the northwest corner of the map is the "Country of the Mongols" (Mokokoku ...), described as "a country larger than the Tang with some 800 provinces." Another shoreline along the map's northern edge is labeled the "566 provinces of Silla ... and "Gand. ... a land where "there is a castle but no people."

The Ryukyu islands, the Chinese continent, and the Korean peninsula are the borderlands that one would expect to find in a Japanese cartography of cultural difference. The presence, and the threatening size, of Mongolia suggests that the map may reflect anxieties following the attempted Mongol invasions of the late thirteenth century. But how did the Land of Demon Women, which in the Buddhist tradition has always been identified with Lanka, the island south of Jambudvipa, come to be represented as an island south of Japan? A clue may perhaps be found in another passage from the Keiran shuyoshu, one of the many examples of the text's integration of shrine traditions and Buddhist teachings:

The Great Country of Japan is the island that was formed when the brine from the heavenly spear fell into the seas of Jambudvipa (Nanbudai ...). The country of Japan is Camara (Shamara ...), one of the two islands south of Jambudvipa. According to the Abhidharmakosa, this island is inhabited by raksasa (rasetsuba ...) but in truth the raksasa are [Amaterasu, the deity of] the Ise shrine, who is the manifestation (suijaku ...) of Dainichi.

(Keiran shuyoshu, 511a)

The Keiran shuyoshu has here combined the ancient cosmogony of the Kojiki ... and Nihon shoki ... with the Buddhist cosmology of Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosabhasya (Jp. Abidatsuma kusharon ... no. 1558), a fifth-century compendium of the scholastic traditions of the Sarvastivada school. Like the jataka discussed above, the Abhidharmako.a describes the island southeast of Jambudvipa as originally inhabited by raksasa (see La valee poussin, vol. 2, 455.56).

Yet Rasetsukoku is represented on the Shomyoji map not as Japan but rather as an island to Japan's south. It is depicted as such, in the same location and often with the same annotation, for a period of nearly five hundred years. Its presence, however, is always incomplete: a single line tracing a partial shore. Although an island, it is never shown in its entirety. It composes one side of the frame that allows for the cartographic totality and centrality of Japan, but also suggests an oneiric horizon inviting excursions of the imagination to realms located necessarily beyond the known.

Rasetsukoku next appears in Japanese cartography within a hand scroll of five Buddhist maps dated 1402 (Rosenfield 1973, 104.9).9 In the scroll, now in the collection of Harvard University, the archipelago is oriented to the north rather than the south, but the form and location of Rasetsukoku (here rendered Rasetsush. ... is otherwise similar to that of the Shomyoji map (figure 3). An inscription attributes the map's origin to the bodhisattva Gyoki and contains the earliest example of a passage that is to be found on nearly all later maps of this style:

The shape of the country is like the tip of a one-pointed vajra. Because of this, Buddhism continues to flourish. The shape is also like that of a wish-fulfilling jewel (hoju). Therefore, the country is blessed with such rare treasures as gold, silver, copper, and iron, and the five grains ripen in abundance.

The four other maps included in the handscroll situate Japan within an increasingly expansive Buddhist cosmology. Following the map of Japan is another, labeled "A Map of India according to the Bodhisattva Vasubandhu" (Tenjikuzu Seshin Bosatsu ..., portraying the continent of Jambudvipa as described in the Abhidharmako?a. The next map in the scroll is a diagram of Lake Anavatapta, the mythic lake at the center of the continent encircled by four great rivers. Following this illustration is a plan of Mount Sumeru and its surrounding mountain ranges and seas with the four continents in each of the cardinal directions. The last illustration, taking up the majority of the scroll, is a drawing of the Abhidharmako?a's entire Mount Sumeru-centered cosmology extending from the Eight Hot Hells below Jambudvipa to the three Realms of Desire, Form, and Formlessness above Mount Sumeru. The scroll thus begins from Japan, underscored by Rasetsukoku, and then expands the frame of vision with each successive map to place the country within the continent, the world, and the universe of a larger Buddhist order.

The third map to include Rasetsukoku is dated circa 1557 and belongs to the Nara Ritsu temple Toshodaiji ... Its very title, Nansenbush. Dainihon shotozu ... (Orthodox map of great Japan on the continent of Jambudvipa), articulates Japan's position within a classical Buddhist geography. An inscription similar to the one on the Harvard map ascribes the cartography to the bodhisattva Gyoki and includes the description of the country as both a one-pointed vajra and a wish-fulfilling jewel. Rasetsukoku is also glossed with the familiar phrase, "there are women here; men who travel here do not return" (nyonin arite otoko ikaba sunawachi kaerazu ... The presence and description of Rasetsukoku was soon standardized when the Nansenbush. dainihon shotozu was published as a woodblock print in 1598 (Oji 1996, 193).

This cartographic vision even appeared in sixteenth-century Europe. A map of Japan copied out in a European hand, now in the Archivio di Stato in Florence, preserves Rasetsukoku as the southern extremity of the realm. The island is described in Portuguese as follows: Nhiun homé esta nesta somente motheres todas e querm vem nesta nad torna ta mais proque os matao (There are no men here, only women. Men who come here never return because the women kill them). The map was most likely produced in association with the 1582 voyage of four baptized sons of Kyushu daimyo who accompanied Portuguese Jesuits to Portugal, Spain, and Italy. The Japanese delegation returned from Europe with maps quite different from the one they left behind, including a first edition of Abraham Ortelius's 1570 world atlas, the Theatrum Orbus Terrarum.10

Ortelius's atlas was one of the sources for large format European-style world maps painted in Japan on six-fold screens from the 1590s to the 1640s. Many of these were produced as sets in which a world map, depicted according to European cartographic conventions, was paired with a map of the archipelago, following Japan's Buddhist cartographic traditions. There remains an uneasy balance of world views in these paired screens. While the European-style world maps are often entitled, in Latin, typvs orbis terrarvm, the screens of Japan, like the maps of 1557 and 1598, often bear the title Nansenbush. dainihon shotozu, together with the inscription that describes the country as both vajra and jewel. In one such pair, circa 1625, in the Tokyo National Museum, Rasetsukoku is identified by a rectangular cartouche bearing the descriptive notation first seen on the Shomyoji map of 1305: "Rasetsukoku: Women here, men who travel here never return" (...) (Nakamura 1972, plate 10).

Rasetsukoku appears on nearly all maps of Japan printed in the seventeenth century. The Gyoki bosatsu setsu dainihonkoku zu ... (Map of the great country of Japan as explained by the bodhisattva Gyoki), published some time before 1651, is clearly based on sixteenth-century models, but, suggesting perhaps a change in readership, renders the name and description of Rasetsukoku largely in the Japanese syllabary. The Nihonkoku no zu ... (Map of Japan) of 1656 employs a combination of Chinese and Japanese orthography, and on the 1662 edition of the Fusokoku no zu ... (Map of Japan), Rasetsukoku and its gloss appear largely in kana (figure 4). The Land of Demon Women, as depicted and described in the Fusokoku no zu, remained an essential element in the iconography of Japan for the next hundred years. Rasetsukoku continued to define the southern boundary of Japan on the increasingly standardized maps of the country published in popular household encyclopedias such as the Yamato setsuyoshu shikkai bukuro... of 1741 and the Daifuku setsuyoshu ... of 1761.

Lands of Women

The Nihon daihendo zu ... (Great route map of Japan) published in 1685 (Jokyo 2) by Hangiya Jiroemon ... is in many ways similar to these other late seventeenth-century examples (figure 5). Rasetsukoku (rendered here Rarestukou ...) is depicted as a partial coastline due south of Kii Province with the same protruding peninsula that first appeared in the Fusokoku no zu. The landform, however, is given an additional name. Just to the left of the characters for Rasetsukoku is another label: Nyoshima (or Onna ga shima) ... Known also as Nyogonoshima or Nyogogashima ..., this island derives from a pre-Buddhist Chinese tradition of a "Land of Women" (Nurenguo ...) that dates back more than two millennia.

Although it enjoys a literary history at least as ancient as that of Rasetsukoku, Nurenguo belongs to a different textual tradition. It first appears among the fantastic lands of the Shanhaijing ... (Classic of mountains and seas) compiled between the fourth and the first century bce. The terse entry in the Shanhaijing states only that "the Land of Women lies north of the Land of Shaman Zian. Two women dwell here in the water, which surrounds them" (Strassberg 2002, 173). Guo Pu, in his early-fourth-century ce commentary on the Shanhaijing, adds that the women become pregnant by bathing in a Yellow Lake and notes that any boy born to them would die soon after his third year. The mid-fifth-century Hou Hanshu ... (History of the later Han) explains that "the women become pregnant by looking at their reflection in a divine well" (Strassberg 2002, 173). ?gThe Treatise on the Eastern-Yi Barbarians" in the Weishu (History of the Wei Dynasty) of 554 also mentions a land in the sea northeast of the Korean peninsula inhabited entirely by women. Xuanzang's seventh-century Record of the Western Regions, the text that introduced Rasetsukoku into Japanese geography, mentions two other lands of women as well. One, southwest of Persia, "is the Western Women's Country ..., which is an island. In it there are only female inhabitants without a single male" (Da Tang xi yu ji, 938a). The other, south of Khotan, "is known as the Eastern Women's Country ..., as it is ruled from generation to generation by a woman" (Da Tang xi yu ji, 892c).

The Land of Women does not appear on Japanese maps of the archipelago before the late seventeenth century, yet it is found on earlier maps of Japan produced on the Korean peninsula. The earliest Korean world map, the Honil kangni yoktae kukto chi to ... (Map of integrated lands and regions of historical countries and capitals) or Kangnido ..., was completed in 1402, and the oldest copy, dated to around 1470, is housed in the collection of the Ryokoku University Library (figure 6). The form of the Japanese archipelago was supplied, according to the map's preface, by a Japanese map that had been presented to the Korean envoy Pak Tonji by the governor of Bishu, Minamoto Mitsusuke (Ledyard 1994, 274). Although the Land of Women is not to be found on the Ryukoku copy, Rasetsukoku is depicted as a small, elongated island to Japan's south. In a later version of the Kangnido, however, in the collection of Honkoji ... in Shimabara, Rasetsukoku has migrated further southwest and is now joined by another smaller island, labeled Land of Women ..., in the sea just off of the Izu peninsula (figure 7; Oji 1996, 100.3).

Both the Land of Women and Rasetsukoku are also found on the earliest known printed map of Japan, again Korean, included in the 1471 text Haedong cheguk ki ... (Chronicle of the countries of the eastern seas) compiled by the Korean statesman Sin Sukchu ... (1417-1475).11 The Land of Women is here situated southwest of the coast of Mutsu ... Province, and beyond it lies Rasetsukoku, which the map labels as "populated by man-eating demons" ... The distances between these islands and the mainland are noted in some detail. Beneath the characters for Mutsu is written, "It is 70 ri from here to the capital and 70 ri to Rasetsukoku" ... The Land of Women, which lies between Rasetsukoku and the mainland, is located with a similar degree of specificity: "distance to Mutsu 13 ri" ... (figure 8).

The descriptions and images of the inhabitants of the Land of Women that appeared in Japanese texts were similarly based on continental sources, and in particular on the Chinese encyclopedic tradition that flourished in the early seventeenth century. The Shanhaijing, which had first mentioned this realm before the Common Era, was published in an illustrated woodblock edition in 1597 in which the Land of Women was represented by an image of two scantily clad figures standing in a pool of water. Another Ming encyclopedia, Wang Qi's ... sixty-volume Sancai tuhui ... of 1610, illustrates the reference from the Hou Hanshu with a group of naked women gazing into a well. The entry explains:

The Land of Women is in the southeastern seas. The water flows to the east. Lotus flowers one foot across bloom once a year and the peaches have stones two feet long. Long ago a ship drifted there and the women gathered together and carried the ship off. The sailors were all close to death. But a clever man among them stole the boat back at night and they were able to escape. The women conceive children by exposing their genitals to the south wind. According to others, the women become pregnant by looking at their reflection in a well. (Wang Qi, 1970 [1607], vol. 12, 24)

The description from the Sancai tuhui seems to be playing, like the twicenamed island of the Nihon daihendo zu, on two hitherto distinct textual topoi: the demonic snare of Rasetsukoku and the erotic diversion of Nurenguo. The account of shipwrecked sailors who narrowly escape their female keepers by the wits of a single man recalls the Indian jataka, while the details of the inhabitants' aeolian and narcissistic modes of conception anticipates the ethnographic exotica of later East Asian geographies. This conflation of the two traditions may thus have first occurred in the Chinese encyclopedic literature. But we should also be careful not to ascribe the double nature of such islands of women simply to Chinese influence. From Rasetsukoku's earliest Indian elaborations, pleasure and danger together constituted the lure of the foreign.

The imagery and explanations of the Land of Women found in the Sancai tuhui were reproduced and expanded in such later Japanese compendia as the Ikoku monogatari ... of 1658 and Terajima Ryoan's monumental Wakan sansai zue ... of 1713. The Ikoku monogatari, an illustrated text that exists in both printed and manuscript editions, catalogues many of the same foreign and fantastic lands found in the Chinese encyclopedic tradition. The entry for the Land of Women ... constitutes an abbreviation from the Sancai tuhui and similarly shows two women staring into a well:

This land is in the northeastern seas. There are no boys in this land. When young boys come here they never return. The women look at their reflection in a well and immediately become pregnant. They give birth only to girls.

(Yoshida 1995, 174)

Terajima Ryoan's description of the Land of Women ... in Wakan sansai zue includes the entire entry from Sancai tuhui. Terajima glosses the characters in hiragana as Nyoningoku, and in katakana as Nyuijin, and notes that the Land of Women ... is "another name for the Island of Women" ... There may also be a trace of the jataka tale in the author's comment that some sources locate the island in the seas southwest of India. Terajima concludes that "this is the same Land of Women that can be seen in bankokuzu" ... (Terajima 1713.1715, vol. 14, 26). Bankokuzu, or "maps of the myriad countries," was a term most commonly used for European-style world maps, either those painted on large format folding screens, or smaller woodblock printed versions that were widely published as single sheet prints and book illustrations from the second half of the seventeenth century. Most of these simplified printed maps, and some of the painted screens, included renderings of representative peoples from many of these foreign lands (jinbutsuzu ...). 12 Yet I know of none before the nineteenth century that depict the Country of Women. Matteo Ricci's large, highly detailed, and heavily annotated world map, known in Japanese as the Konyo bankokuzenzu ..., however, does mention a Land of Women. This sixpanel Ptolemaic projection of a spherical earth was known in Japan by at least 1605. In his discussion of Europe, Ricci notes: "In the Caucasus there is a Land of Women. This country also has male inhabitants; but if too many are born, they are put to death" (Giles 1918, 378). Ricci, it seems, was referring to the Amazons, whom the Roman historian Procopius located in the Caucasus. Yet many of the other foreign lands Ricci describes (such as the countries of dwarfs, giants, monoculi, and dog people) appear in the Wakan sansai zue as well.

An Island of Women is also described in the otogizoshi ... literature of the late-Muromachi period. One such tale, Onzoshi no shima watari ..., chronicles the fantastical journeys of Minamoto no Yoshitsune ..., who sails from Tosa to visit many of the exotic lands described in the Chinese encyclopedic tradition, including an island of giants with horse's heads and human bodies; an island of men, two inches high, who live 800 years; and an island of women who become pregnant by exposing themselves to the south wind.13 This curious detail of the islanders' reproductive practices was described in the Sancai tuhui and the Wakan sansai zue, and Onzoshi no shima watari suggests the same combination of adventure and threat found in the encyclopedia entries. Overwhelmed by the prospect of so many female admirers, Yoshitsune is able to escape the island only by convincing the inhabitants that a larger fleet of sailors is soon to arrive.

Fantasy Islands

If a convergence of the Land of the Demonic Feminine and the Island of Women was suggested by the geographic accounts of East Asian encyclopedias of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the cartography of the period made the link explicit. The twin toponyms of Rasetsukoku and Nyoshima, a doubled isle combining the fantasies of consumption and consummation, inscribed on the Nihon daihendo zu, was further perpetuated and popularized by the cartographer, author, illustrator, and ukiyoe artist Ishikawa Ryosen ... (fl. 1680. 1710). In 1687, Ry.sen issued what was to be most reprinted and most copied map of Japan for the next hundred years: the Honcho zukan komoku ... (Detailed map of our country). As in the earlier Nihon daihendo zu, the landform protruding from the south is labeled both Rasetsukoku (again rendered ...) and Nyoshima ... Ryosen, moreover, like so many of his predecessors, explicitly situates Japan within a Buddhist world. Although Ryosen's maps would ultimately displace those of the earlier Gyoki-style, he nevertheless prefaces his work by invoking the precedent, and the authority, of Japan's legendary cartographic origins:

The Nansenbushu dai Nihon shotozu is said to be derived from [the map of] the Bodhisattva Gyoki. Though I have followed it, I have corrected its errors and added highways, and now publish it.

Ryusen revised his original map and issued it anew, under the title Nihon Oezu ... (Great map of Japan) in 1689, and again, as Nihon kaisan chorikuzu ... (Map of the seas and lands of Japan), in 1691 (figure 9).

Such early revisions, however, were not simply reprintings; each was an entirely new production requiring a new drawing to be made and new blocks to be carved. Although the exact form and orthography of Rasetsukoku often changed throughout these various editions, the place remained omnipresent. Ryusen's map, combining the Land of Demonesses with the Island of Women, was reprinted at least thirty times over the next century.14

Ryusen's map of Japan, and his depiction of Rasetsukoku/Nyogogashima, was even reproduced by European cartographers. Adrien Reland (1676-1718), a professor at the University of Utrect, for example, relied entirely on a post- 1691 edition of Ryusen's map from the library of Benjamin Dutry, director of the Dutch East India Company, for his 1715 map Le Japaon divisé en soissante et six provences, published in the third volume of Jean Frederic Bernard's Recueil de voiages au nord (Lutz 1994, 194). Reland reproduced the provincial names and boundaries as well as the distinctive filigree contours of Ryusen's archipelago and proudly announced, in a larger single sheet print issued later the same year by Wilhelm Broedelet, his reliance on the Japanese map provided to him by Dutry. What remained unacknowledged and unnamed, however, was Ryusen's distinctive hammerhead-shaped outline of Rasetsukoku/Nyogogashima left floating, like an amputated cloud, to the south. Ryusen, like all of the Japanese cartographers before him, had the balance of Rasetsukoku cut off by the black line of the map's frame. He also had, in the Nihon kaisan chorikuzu of 1691, a small section of the island's northwestern edge cut off where it abuts a large legend tabulating the distances between cities. Reland's first version of the map leaves the partial isle hanging in empty space. In the later single sheet prints of 1715, ca. 1720, and ca. 1740, however, an inset map of Nagasaki has been placed against the island's southern edge, but the gap along the northwest shoreline remains open. Later copies of Reland's map, such as those published by Henri Abraham Chatelain (1684-1743) in his Atlas Historique of 1719 and by Matthaeus Seutter (1678-1757) in his Atlas Novus ca. 1740, both of which proclaim the Japanese origin of the map but remain silent on their more proximate Dutch source, lower Reland's inset of Nagasaki to expose once again Rasetsukoku's southern extremity (Lutz 1994, 195; figure 10).

Sex and the Geographic Imaginary

In the culture of floating world, the world of Ry.sen's literary, artistic, and cartographic activities, the Island of Women became an increasingly eroticized topos. Ny.gogashima as a site of male sexual fantasy came to replace Rasetsukoku as a site of male sexual anxiety, or at least the site of a more pleasurable form of sexual consumption. In the literature of Ihara Saikaku ... (1642.1693) and Hiraga Gennai ... (1729.1779), the Island of Women became a pleasure quarter beyond one's wildest dreams. The association was, after all, a natural one. The Yoshiwara and other licensed quarters of the sex trade were, in a sense, islands of women: isolated at the urban peripheries, secluded, confined, surrounded by moats, and often approached by boat. Saikaku's Kushoku ichidai otoko ... of 1682, published in the same Genroku era as Ry.sen's maps, celebrates the Island of Women as the final frontier of sex tourism. The libidinal adventures of Yonosuke conclude with the hedonistic hero building a boat on Penis Island and, with seven of his like-minded friends, setting sail from Izu for the Island of Women. Knowing that it would be a destination from which "they weren't ever going to return," they left Japan fully equipped with "250 pairs of metal masturbation balls, ?c 600 latticed penis attachments, 2,550 water-buffalo-horn dildos, 3,500 tin dildos, 800 leather dildos, 200 erotic prints, ?c and 900 bales of tissue paper" (Ihara 2002 [1682], 56).

In Hiraga Gennai's Furyu Shidoken den of 1763, the Island of Women is ornately figured as a Yoshiwara-through-the-looking-glass. Gennai's picaresque satire, clearly modeled on Onzoshi no shima watari, has his hero (after exploring every place and form of prostitution in Japan) sail off to such foreign countries as the Land of Giants, the Land of the Long Legged People, the Land of the Long- Armed People, and the Land of People with Holes in their Chests until he is shipwrecked, together with more than a hundred Chinese sailors, on the Island of Women. In order to most equitably satisfy all of the female inhabitants, the sailors construct a district of male bordellos, with the men all ranked and organized into houses. "The whole place," Gennai explains, "was modeled after the Yoshiwara licensed quarter in Edo" (Hiraga 2002 [1763], 505).

At first, the men enjoyed their jobs so much they felt they must be in heaven, and they forgot all about their homelands. But as time passed, they felt less satisfied.? The men had to take customers day and night, and before six months had passed they were all pale and thin. All of the more than a hundred men succumbed to fevers and died, called to the other world by beckoning winds of desire. After they died, their contracts were all transferred to new managers in Amida's Pure Land.? But somehow [Shidoken] managed to stay not only alive but vigorous. Since he was the only male left, the former customers of the other men also began negotiating to see him, and soon he was seeing fifty women a day. But even then his energy wasn't exhausted. He seemed to be made of iron. The women were amazed, and so was he. When he analyzed his situation, though, he realized he didn't have much to look forward to. As the only man left, he'd have to keep on doing this for the rest of his life. He liked making love with all of the women, but if this became a settled way of life he knew it would turn into something rather unpleasant.

(Hiraga 2002 [1763], 506-8)

Having attained such an enlightenment experience, Shidoken is rescued by the sage who first sent him on his travels, is carried through the air back to Japan, and has the Buddhist lessons of his journey explained to him:

Clinging to anything results in great harm.? That is why I sent you to the Island of Women. As a performer there, you saw with your own eyes that sexual pleasure can lose its glamour and even become fatal.

The moral of Gennai's cautionary tale is thus nearly identical to the Rasetsukoku jataka. And as with the tale of Sokara's escape from the realm of demonic desire, it is again Kannon who provides salvation. As the sage explains, "On the Island of Women, the Kannon of Asakusa changed herself into a wooden dildo and stood in your place, saving you from dying, as you surely would have, with all the other men" (Hiraga 2002 [1763], 511).

The Island of Women is mentioned as well in Chikamatsu Monzaemon's ... Heike nyogo no shima ... of 1719, Sant. Kyoden's ... (1761.1816) Nishiki no ura ... of 1791, and Takizawa Bakin's ... (1767.1848) Chinsetsu yumiharizuki ..., serialized from 1807 to 1811. The sexual exploits of the island's inhabitants (and their intrepid visitors) were also the subject of numerous illustrated books, prints, and paintings. The midnineteenth- century tale Nyogo no shima engi no irifune ... details the adventures of three Edo townsmen who set sail for the Island of Women. In three volumes with fifteen full color illustrations by Utagawa Kunimaro ... (fl. 1845.1875), the travelers' encounters with the islanders are depicted in polymorphous variation and graphic detail (figure 11).15 If Nyogo no shima engi no irifune may be seen as an even more explicit sequel to Saikaku's story, Tsubutegawa Nanryo's ... Koi no minato nyogo no shimada ... of 1823 may be seen as a similar elaboration of Gennai's. It describes the adventures of a group of young male prostitutes who establish a successful brothel for the female inhabitants of the island.

Nyogogashima served also as a seemingly inexhaustible topos for senry. ... with countless off-color verses composed on the subject.16 One representative example from the Haif. yanagidaru ... reads,

Matakura no shimeru nyogo no minami kaze

...

Crotches dampen, a south wind is blowing on woman's isle.

(Okada 1976-78, 177. Translation from Gill 2007, 363)

A print by Eisen ... published in the 1822 shunga volume Makura bunko ..., pictures just such a moment with one of the islanders reclining on the rocks, her robes raised and her legs parted, as she enjoys the pleasures of the southern breeze (figure 12).

By the end of the eighteenth century, it seems, the fantasy of the Island of Women had largely replaced the fear of the Land of the Demonic Female. The year 1789 saw the publication of Kashiragaki zoho kinmo zui taisei ..., an abridged and reformatted edition of Nakamura Tekisai's ... popular encyclopedia Kunmo zui ... ?b. Unlike the original 1666 edition, the version of 1789 includes a map of Japan with the usual partial shoreline protruding into the frame from the southeast corner. The familiar landmass, however, is here labeled, in both kana and kanji, not Rasetsukoku but Nyogonoshima (figure 13).

Until as late as the middle of the nineteenth century, the Island of Women belonged to an image of Japan that was mass produced for both domestic and foreign markets. Large Imari-ware dishes from the Arita kilns of Kyushu, decorated with Gyoki-style maps of Japan, were produced in over twenty-five different designs, ranging in size from thirty to fifty centimeters in diameter, throughout the Bunsei (1818-1830), Tempo (1830-1844), and Kaei (1848-1853) eras.17 The Island of Women, rendered either Nyogonoshima or Nyogokoku appear on all of them (figure 14). The cartography of male fantasy had become an export item.

The Return of the Repressed

Yet the Land of Demonesses did not completely disappear from the literary arts of the age. The term rasetsu remained, but took on a new and different significance. In the Edo vernacular, rasetsu enjoyed multiple meanings. When written ..., it referred to the flesh-eaters of Buddhist legend who arouse men only to devour them. But when written ..., it referred to a more explicit form of disfigurement: the severing of the penis (Maeda 1974, 1044a). This term for castration, which following the Chinese practice entailed removing all of the male genitalia, appears in such Edo period reference works as the Wakan sansai zue and in senry. collections as well.18 As the majority of eighteenth-century maps rendered Rasetsukoku phonetically in kana, the word remained open to this double entendre. If one were to allow for such a reading, it would seem that the demonic female could, in the words of the medieval warning with which this investigation began, indeed "cut off forever the seeds of buddhahood." Yet even this sexual fear could be turned into sexual fantasy in the celebration of inversion so characteristic of late Edo culture. In one senry., describing two women in bed, the term rasetsu refers not to an act of emasculation but to one of female agency: the removal of a strap-on dildo as the couple trade roles:

Rasetsu shite mata shita ni naru nagatsubone

...

Castrated again, the lady-in-waiting gets on the bottom.

(Okada 1954, 250)

Such scenes of female-female sexuality, common to shunga and senryu, should however be recognized for what they were: fantasies of, by, and for men. This is neither to deny that women had sex with women nor that women were among the consumers of printed erotica. It is simply to note that the production and reception of such imagery was primarily male. For all of the literary, visual, and cartographic transformations explored in this article, a single consistency remains. Whether the object of fear or fantasy, of Buddhist morality or Edo burlesque, of scriptural illumination or cartographic orientation, these islands of women are to be located ultimately within the realm of the male imagination.

Footnote

1. ... Koizumi 1993, 212. Taira no Yasuyori ... (fl. 1190.1200) attributed the passage to the Nirvana Sutra (Jp. Nehankyo ...), Nichiren ... (1221.1282) to the Avataosaka Sutra (Jp. Kegonkyo ...), and Zonkaku ... (1290.1373) to the ... siddhi (Jp. Yuishikiron ...). Yet this passage, ubiquitous in medieval Japanese literature, is to be found nowhere in the Buddhist scriptures. See Tamura 1991, 52.57.

2. On raksasi in the Indian tradition, see Sutherland 1991, 49-59. These malevolent figures should not be confused with their converted sisters, the Ten Rasetsu Women (Jurasetsunyo ...), who protect upholders of the Lotus Sutra. See Fabricand-Person 2001.

3.The tale also appears, perhaps a century later, in a nearly identical iteration in Uji shoi monogatari. Although Tenjiku belongs to the Three Country (sangoku ...) division of the Konjaku's arrangement of tales situated in India (Tenjiku), China (Shintan), and Japan (Honch.), it is not coterminous with our modern conception of India. On the sangoku world view and the semantic range of Tenjiku, see Toby 1994, 323.47 and 2001, 15.45.

4. On the Pali version of the jataka (known as the Valahasa jataka), see Wilson 1996, 71-76. It is translated in Cowell 1973, 89-91, and in Francis and Thomas 1916, 99-101. For its appearance in the Mahavastu, see Jones 1956, 70-93. For a Chinese version, see Chavannes 1962, 122- 26. For its role in the Sinhalese tradition, see Holt 1991, 46-53. And for a discussion of the tale in the Newari tradition, see Lewis 2000, 49-87. In the Pali jataka and in the Mahavastu, the horse is identified as the Buddha; in others it is identified as Avalokite?vara.

5. The Da Tang xi yu ji, unlike the other Buddhist sources, presents the story of Rasetsukoku as the one of a pair of stories about the origins of Simhala and the second of Xuanzang's stories immediately follows our tale in the Konjaku.

6. The potential for psychoanalytic readings of the tale is of course manifold. For an examination of a different example of the demonic feminine in Japanese Buddhist literature employing the insights of Freud, Lacan, and Kristeva, see Klein 1991.

7. As Meech (1981, 117-18) has shown, the use of the jataka imagery to depict Kannon's salvific powers also occurred in earlier Chinese Lotus Sutra illustration.

8. On the Shomyoji map and other Gyoki-style maps, see Oji 1996, Kuroda 2001 and 2003; Unno 2005; and Dolce 2007. Oji 1996 (192-3) identifies eleven maps that include Rasetsukoku.

9. The maps were drawn by the monk Ryuyu, and the text was copied by the monk Ryui.

10. On this historic journey, see Cooper 2005 and Elisonas 2007.

11. This map of Japan was informed by the map presented in 1402, as well as by one presented in 1453 by the Japanese monk Toan, an ambassador from the king of the Ryukyus. Ledyard, 270-71, Oji 1996, 99-111.

12. On bankokuzu and jinbutsuzu, see Toby 1998.

13. For Yoshitsune's visit to the Island of Women, see Yokoyama and Matsumoto 1973.1985, vol. 3, 367.68, and Ichiko 1958, 106.8. On the tale itself, see Tokuda 2002, 192.93. Rasetsukoku, although absent from Onzoshi no shima watari, does appear in other otogizoshi, such as the late- Muromachi-period Bontenkoku ... and Kimankoku monogatari ..., the earliest edition of which is dated 1529. Tokuda 2002, 218 and 446.

14. Ten different versions were published between 1687 and 1706 by Sagamiya Tahei ..., nine more between 1707 and 1721 by Yamaguchiya Gonbei ..., another in 1730 by Heinoya Zenroku ..., and eleven others between 1745 and 1773 by Izumoji Izumi-no-jo ... (Miyoshi 1989).

15. Fukuda 1998, 26.30 and 141.45. An edition with the variant title Nyogonoshima takara iribune ... is included in Sugiura 1978, 47.177. In addition to such variant woodblock editions there are at least three painted handscroll versions of the tale.

16. Sugiura (32.41) lists fifty-eight different senry. written about the Island of Women.

17. Miyoshi 2004, 116-20. For illustrations of these designs, see Miyoshi 2004, 68-72, and Kobe Shiritsu Hakubutsukan 1984, 93-97.

18. Terajima 1713-15, vol. 10, 8. For examples of such senryu, see Omagari 1962, vol. 3, 826a, and Kasuya 1995, 816b.

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