Chinese Religion and the Formation of Onmyodo

Abstract

Onmyodo is based on the ancient Chinese theories of yin and yang and the five phases. Practitioners of Onmyodo utilized Yijing divination, magical purifications, and various kinds of rituals in order to deduce one's fortune or to prevent unusual disasters. However, the term "Onmyodo" cannot be found in China or Korea. Onmyodo is a religion that came into existence only within Japan. As Onmyodo was formed, it subsumed various elements of Chinese folk religion, Daoism, and Mikkyo, and its religious organization deepened. From the time of the establishment of the Onmyodo as a government office under the ritsuryo codes through the eleventh century, magical rituals and purifications were performed extensively. This article takes this period as its focus, particularly emphasizing the connections between Onmyodo and Chinese religion. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Headnote

Onmyodo is based on the ancient Chinese theories of yin and yang and the five phases. Practitioners of Onmyodo utilized Yijing divination, magical purifications, and various kinds of rituals in order to deduce one's fortune or to prevent unusual disasters. However, the term "Onmyodo" cannot be found in China or Korea. Onmyodo is a religion that came into existence only within Japan. As Onmyodo was formed, it subsumed various elements of Chinese folk religion, Daoism, and Mikkyo, and its religious organization deepened. From the time of the establishment of the Onmyodo as a government office under the ritsuryo codes through the eleventh century, magical rituals and purifications were performed extensively. This article takes this period as its focus, particularly emphasizing the connections between Onmyodo and Chinese religion.

keywords: Onmyoryo-ritsuryo system-Nihon shoki-astronomy-mikkyo-Onmyodo rituals

(ProQuest: Foreign text omitted.)

The first reference to the Onmyoryo HH5I: appears in the Nihon shoki On the first day of the first month of 675 (Tenmu 4), various students of the Onmyoryo, the Daigakuryo and the Geyakuryo (later renamed the Ten'yakuryo JftlSISS) are said to have paid tribute with medicine and rare treasures together with people from India, Bactria, Baekje, and Silla. On this day, the emperor took medicinal beverages such as toso MM and byakusan oifc1 and prayed together with all his officials for longevity. Here, we can also see a precedent for the use of medicines during the Nenju gyoji (annual ceremonies).

On the fifth day of the same month, it is recorded that a platform was erected for stellar prognostication. However, there is an earlier reference to astronomy and dunjia jfi^P2 predating the enthronement of Emperor Tenmu. On the twenty- fourth day of the sixth month of the first year of 672 (Tenmu 1), just prior to the onset of the Jinshin War Sr^OfíL, Tenmu purportedly witnessed dark clouds crossing the sky at the Yokogawa river in the district of Nabari. Upon seeing this phenome- non, he kindled a light and performed divinatory arts using a tool called a shikiban ÄS.3 It is thought that the Onmyoryo was first established during this period.

According to a Nihon shoki legend, the ideologies and techniques that became part of Onmyodo were transmitted to Japan by the early days of the sixth century. In the sixth month of 513 (Keitai 7), it is said that a scholar of the five "Confucian" classics called Dan Yangi was dispatched to Japan from Baekje. However, during the ninth month of 516 (Keitai 10), Gao Anjia itiSrS: of China substituted for Dan Yangi, who returned to Baekje. Furthermore, during the sixth month of 553 (Kinmei 14), there was an exchange of scholars of medicine, calendrical studies, and Yijing divination who had come from Baekje. The Japanese then appealed for more divination books, calendrical texts, and a variety of medicines to be sent. In the second month of the following year, 554 (Kinmei 15), Wang Ryugwi 3i$l It was dispatched to serve as the successor to Ma Jeongan BTSr, another scholar of the five classics. The Yijing scholar Wang Doryang rEiftii, the calendar scholar Wang Boson the medicine scholar Wang Yuryeonta and the herbalists Ban Yangpung and Jeong Yuta also arrived in Japan.

Scholars of the five classics read and studied the Yijing Mi í£, the Shujing #11, the Shijing ff H, the Chunqiu and the Liji ÍLüñ. In China, they were first appointed by Emperor Han Wudi 8Í Älff as official Confucian teachers who also bore the responsibility of educating the government. However, the blending of Yijing with the theories of yin, yang, and the five phases was especially due to the former Han scholar, Dong Zhongshu Irí^íS*.

Scroll nineteen ("The biographies of Baekje") of the Zhou Shu JH# records the following: "They interpret yin, yang, and the five phases. They also utilize the Song Yuanjia Li yctiM, and they establish the beginning of the year with the month of Jianyin JÉ jit. Furthermore, they understand divinatory arts such as medicine and bamboo divination." The Bei Shi the Sui Shu PW#,4 and other historical texts bear identical references. Such arts seem to have been known in Baekje from early times. However, there is also a passage stating that "There is an exceedingly high number of Buddhist monks, nuns, temples, and pagodas, but even so, there are no Daoists." Because of this, it is believed that these divina- tory arts were largely performed by Buddhist monks and nuns.

Furthermore, upon entering the seventh century, Japans reception of divina- tion techniques and yin-yang five phases thought from Baekje was regulated. In the tenth month of 602 (Suiko 10), a Baekje monk named Gwalleuk II8Ô brought texts on astronomy, geomancy, dunjia divination, and other fangshu íf#í5 texts. Students were then selected to study each of these disciplines. Yako no Fuhito Tamafuru studied the calendar, otomo no Suguri Kozo studied astronomy and dunjia, and Yamashiro no Omi Hitate ill WE H At studied a wide range of various fangshu arts, such as medical treatments, milfoil divination, tortoise shell divination, and omenology. Each scholar became an expert in his field. As for Gwalleuk, in 624 (Suiko 32) he was given the position of sojo IE, and it is believed that he resided at Gangoji in Asuka for his remaining twenty years. Since Emperor Tenmu was well acquainted with astronomy and dunjia, it is likely that he was initiated into these arts by such personages.

Much later, during the twelfth month of 691 (Jito 5), a scholar of medicine (i hakase Effet) named Toku Shichin Êiland two jugon specialists (jugon hakase Mokso Teimu and Sadaek Mansu were each presented with twenty koro of silver as a gift. In the second month of the following year, two yin-yang scholars (onmyo hakase received identical merits. However, these men, named Beopjang ÍÉiS and Doki 313?, were also Buddhist sramanas. Beopjang is later explicitly identified as a monk of Baekje-just as Gwalleuk was. However, records are silent as to Doki's back- ground, so he is assumed to have been Japanese. During the tenth month of 685 (Tenmu 14), Beopjang went to Mino to harvest the okera t=f j|l7 plant. He planned to boil it as a cure for the emperor.8 Even though he was a sramana, Beopjang was also employed as a yin-yang scholar. Even early in Jito's reign, Buddhist monks often instructed a large number of people in arts relating to yin and yang. From the viewpoint of the government, as officials with special skills, the ranks of these monks were not established.

Since the enactment of the Taiho Codes in 701 (Taiho 1), the Onmyoryo was established as a special office under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Central Affairs, and was set up in the following manner:9

There was one bureau chief [onmyo no kami HHH] in charge of astrology, making calendars, and reporting omens. There were also a vice-chief [onmyo no suke IHHêÎl], a secretary [onmyo no jo a clerk [onmyo no daizoku and an assistant clerk [onmyo no shozoku Furthermore, there was a scholar of yin and yang [onmyo hakase lililí til it] who instructed ten students [onmyosho lü . Finally, there were six masters of yin and yang [onmyoji HH®] who performed shikiban divinations and chose sacred sites for rituals.

In addition to specialists in yin and yang, there was a calendar scholar (reki hakase Jffflli) who created the calendar and instructed ten students (rekisho as well as an astrology scholar (tenmon hakase who reported astrology-related omens and instructed ten students (tenmonsho There were two clepsydra scholars (rokoku hakase who analyzed the clepsy- dra and directed twenty timekeepers (shushintei ^PST). These timekeepers observed the clepsydra and announced the time by sounding gongs and beating drums at the correct hours. Finally, there were also twenty pages (tsukaibe lÈnÇ) and three servants (jikitei HËT).10

The official duties of the Onmyoryo thus consisted of four main divisions: yin and yang, the calendar, astronomy, and the clepsydra. However, in the Chinese systems implemented during the Tang and Sui dynasties, the Department of the Grand Astrologer ( Taishiju yfcííiüa) took charge of astronomy, the calendar, and the clepsydra. Divinations were performed by a separate organization, the Impe- rial Divination Office. In Japan, these two offices were integrated together. Fur- thermore, their arts were brought piecemeal to Japan by monks and nuns so that specialist government officials could learn these arts (Hashimoto 1991).

According to the Shoku Nihongi during the eighth month of 700 (Monmu 4), the monks Tsütoku SÉ and Eshun Hile were commanded to return to secular life. Tsütoku received the kabane title of Yako no Fuhito HÍHíÉ and the personal name Kuniso If. Eshun received the kabane title of Kitsugi 1Êf S (the descendant of Kichida no Muraji Yoroshi I^HîjÈS).11 The commands were given and ranks were established in order to make use of the non-Buddhist arts that these monks employed. During the tenth month of 703 (Taiho 3), the monk Ryükan llltü12 was also commanded to return to secular life and reverted to using his given name, Gim Jae He was also skilled in numerous arts, as well as in calculation and calendrical studies. Furthermore, during the third month of 714 (Wado 7), the sramana Gihô Hr/È was also commanded to return to secular life. He received the Junior Fifth Rank, Lower Grade, and was then called by the name otsu no Muraji Obito jÈâSH:. He is also considered to have utilized the arts of divination.

Other focused examples of the secularization of monks and nuns appear dur- ing the reigns of Empress Jito Emperor Monmu Ä, and Empress Gen- mei Tiffi (from 686 through 715). The ritsuryo nation kept a monopoly on the arts of yin and yang, astronomy, calendrical science, and medicine by retaining the services of each of these monks. However, as government specialists, they seem to have planned to transmit these arts to newer generations of scholars. For more than thirty years, envoys were no longer dispatched to Tang China. It has been observed that from this point forward, communication with Silla was opened and it was Sillan ideologies and arts that were introduced to Japan (Seki 1996).

Concurrent with this trend, the Soniryo ÎbIË't13 (the laws for monks and nuns) established under the ritsuryo codes prohibited them from engaging in such arts. The first article states the following:

Monks and nuns are forbidden from divining good fortune or calamity from mysterious phenomena [genzo ÜR], thereby deluding the emperor and the people. Studying and reading military texts, murder, rape, and thievery, and feigning enlightenment is also forbidden. These are offenses to be punished in accordance with the law by secular authorities.

For monks and nuns, it is strictly prohibited to explain fortunes and disasters as well as "mysterious phenomena"-that is, they are forbidden from interpret- ing omens based on astrological phenomena. The second article of the Soniryo references healing in relation to monks and nuns:

Monks and nuns who divine [bokuso hffi] fortune and misfortune, who follow the lesser path [shodo /hüt], or who utilize bamboo divination [zeijutsu á£#í] to cure illness should return to secular life. These actions go against the Bud- dhist dharma. However, the curing of diseases with mantras14 in accordance with the dharma is not prohibited.

In this passage of the Soniryo, contained within the Yoro ritsuryo monks and nuns were forbidden from using medical arts such as bamboo divi- nation or the "lesser path." The latter may refer to tortoise shell divination, sit- ing locations for rituals, the use of talismans, jugon techniques, exorcism, or a number of other arts. In this way, the Soniryo s restriction of monks and nuns almost emulates passages from the lost Tang dynasty code, Daosengge iHfilS-,15 that restricted the actions of Tang monks and nuns as well as male and female Daoist practitioners (daoshi nüguan and women that received court rank. Although the Daoseng ge has been lost, a fragment appearing in the Da Tang liudian uses the term senso ¿ffl (milfoil divination) rather than bokuso (tortoise shell divination). This fragmentary article also differs from the text found in the Taiho ryo

Various theories quote the Ryo no shuge *iS'MM, especially the Koki "é"Hñ annotated edition of the Taiho ryo. This edition points out that the Taiho ryo refers to a practice-or possibly a set of practices-known as dojutsu fugon il#!#®.16 Dojutsu fugon is mentioned alongside the practice of decoction (yu- yaku ïliil), both to be utilized as remedies. However, this passage was omitted from the later Yoro ryo Although there are differing opinions concerning the reconstruction of this Taiho ryo article, we can imply that such techniques were not prohibited. Rather, under the Taiho ryo, monks that utilized dojutsufugon and decoction practices were recognized as "curing diseases using mantras" (Masuo 1997, 89-118). The wording of this section of the Taiho ryo probably depended heavily on the lost Daosengge passage, but regardless, these practices were eventu- ally interpreted negatively and were thus omitted from the Yoro ryo.

The Subjects and Learning of Arts

The Shosoin monjo contains the remnants of a document referred to as the "Kannin Koshi Cho" (Public service examination book; dnk 24: 552-54) that provides concrete evidence that government officials of the Onmyoryo solely practiced these arts. It gives several examples, such as the following:

Onmyoji:

* Go Gimjang îSiâïÉI. Onmyoji. Senior Seventh Rank, Lower Grade. Age 58. Right capital.

* Skills: Taiyi Jk-, dunjia, astronomy, liuren Air, calculation techniques (sanjutsu K#î), and land siting (soji ffliÉ).17

* Total days worked for one evaluation: 309.

* If he is careful and not negligent of his duties, then he is considered to be a good practitioner.

* His fortune-telling and divination are largely efficacious, and he is consid- ered to be excellent at these arts.

* Fumi no Imiki Hiromaro Onmyoji. Junior Seventh Rank, Lower Grade. Age 50. Right capital.

* Skills: Five phases divination 2lÍtÄ and land siting.

* Total days worked for one evaluation: 294.

* If he is careful and not negligent of his duties, then he is considered to be a good practitioner.

* His fortune-telling and divination are largely efficacious, and he is consid- ered to be excellent at these arts.

Onmyo hakase:

* Roku Emaro IfÄJftB. Onmyo hakase. Junior Sixth Rank, Lower Grade. Age 43. Right capital.

* Skills: Zhou YijingMWfS. and dieshi *á£18 divination, Taiyi, dunjia, liuren, calculation techniques, and land siting.

* Total days worked for one evaluation: 289.

* If he is careful and not negligent of his duties, then he is considered to be a good practitioner.

* His fortune-telling and divination are largely efficacious, and he is consid- ered to be excellent at these arts.

Tenmon hakase:

* Wang Jungmun Tenmon hakase. Junior Sixth Rank, Lower Grade. Age 45. Right capital.

* Skills: Taiyi, dunjia, astronomy, liuren, calculation techniques, and land siting.

* Total days worked for one evaluation: 270.

* If he is careful and not negligent of his duties, then he is considered to be a good practitioner.

* His fortune-telling and divination are largely efficacious, and he is consid- ered to be excellent at these arts.

Rokoku hakase:

* Ikebe no Fuhito Oshima TtilíSÍL^CÍSl. Rokoku hakase. Senior Seventh Rank, Upper Grade. Age 57. Right capital.

* Skills: Artisan.

* Total days worked for one evaluation: 311.

* If he is careful and not negligent of his duties, then he is considered to be a good practitioner.

* Upon being visited and investigated, he was affirmed as a man capable of especially remarkable results and given the highest evaluation.

The age of this document is unclear, but it is certain from its admission into the Dai Nihon komonjo (dnk) that it may be estimated to date from the Tenpyo (729-749) era. According to the Shoku Nihongi, on the second day of the eighth month of 701 (Taiho 1), Go Gimjang, Roku Emaro, and Wang Jungmun were commanded to return to secular life. Based on this reference, their ranks, and other information, it can be determined to date from between the eleventh month of 702 (Taiho 2) and the first month of 718 (Yoro 2; Tanaka 1956).

The later comments in each of the above entries relate to the performance eval- uations of these government officials. These comments correspond with evalua- tions appearing in the sixth, tenth, and thirty-fifth articles of the Koka ryo

Skills common to most of these officials are Taiyi, dunjia, liuren, calculation techniques, and land siting. A selection from article eight of the Zo ryo relates to each of these arts:

Secret texts, astronomical instruments [genzo no kibutsu ÄSIl], and astro- nomical books cannot be destroyed. Astronomers [kansei fü^fe] are unable to read divination books. When such works are consulted and depended on, their contents may not be disclosed. If there are auspicious omens or strange calamitous events, the Onmyoryo will report them to the emperor.

This passage demonstrates the regulations of reporting strange events to the emperor as well as the high level of secrecy accorded to yin and yang.19 The Ryo no gige mM reports that "Dunjia Taiyi shi Ä is an example of a secret text. The bronze armillary sphere (tonghunyi is an example of an astronomical instrument. The Xingguan Bozan SÜfSPH is an example of an astronomical book." Elsewhere, it contains annotations stating that "Divination books are texts that allow one to divine fortune and misfortune by means of var- ious types of astronomy. However, astronomers may only depend on astronomy itself. Auspicious and calamitous events cannot be divined using astronomical books." Passages such as these demonstrate that astronomy principally involved prognostication and led to the organization of the Onmyoryo and its functions. It is extremely important to point out that astronomy related to inferences based on omens of fortune and misfortune. However, from the first part of the Heian period onward, these prognostications came to be accompanied by rituals or ceremonies, in which the Onmyoryo participated.

Learning these arts seems to have been a supremely difficult task because their contents were unique and exceedingly technical. An imperial edict of 721 (Yoro 5) encouraged the arts and sciences, while admiring countless accom- plished leaders:

Literate men and warriors are of national importance. In the past and the present, medicine, divination, and other fangshu arts are well respected. Stud- ies within each government department should be carefree. Those scholars that understand the depths of an art should teach it. Praises and rewards are increasing, so the future generation of scholars should be encouraged and rec- ommended.

However, the encouragement of the yin and yang division may be especially measured ten years later. During the third month of 730 (Tenpyo 2), a report was sent to the emperor from the Department of State:

Yin and yang, the medical arts, the seven luminaries, and the distribution of the calendar are all important to the nation; they cannot ever be given up. However, in looking at various scholars, they are aged and weakening. If they do not teach others, then perhaps these arts will be lost.

Due to the aging of scholars, there was apprehension concerning the loss of these arts. The report continues, appealing for the training of pupils:

We humbly wish that seven men take pupils and begin to teach them. These men are Kichida no Muraji Yoroshi [ cfBEIilJt], otsu no Muraji Obito Ätil, Mitachi no Muraji Kiyomichi [HÂÎIÎB jjt], Naniwa no Muraji Yoshinari [USlp"*, Yamaguchi no Imiki Tanushi [lilPS\MEEI±], Kisakibe no Obito Iwamura [Änßllfiitt], and Shibi no Muraji Mitasuki At that time, their students' food and clothing will match that of their teachers. There will be three students of yin and yang, three of medicine, two of the [seven] luminaries, and two of calendrical science.

Reflecting on these circumstances, the deployment of onmyoji to other provinces also seems to have been difficult. In the case of Dazaifu, called the "Distant Imperial Court" (to no mikado jsÍW^Oeé), the Yoro shikiin ryo prescribes "One onmyoji, to administer divinations (senzei ¿áS) and land sit- ing." The Man'yoshu contains a poem called "Baika Enka" (v. 5, no. 32), attributed to "the onmyoji, Kiji no Norimaro ÜJSíÉJftB." In its entry for the fourth day of the sixth month of 758 (Tenpyo Hoji 2), the Shoku Nihongi references a "Dazaifu onmyoji, Junior Sixth Rank, lower grade, Yeo Ikin receiving the title Kudara no Ason HïStfîEL This may be seen as a continuation of the circumstances in Dazaifu.

Related to this, the circumstances were different in the provinces of Mutsu and Dewa. The Konin shiki established in 820 (Konin 12), states that "Those scholars and doctors rival students of history. However, the scholars, doc- tors, and onmyoji of Mutsu are rivals in everyone's eyes." In spite of this, it seems that their deployment was not satisfactory. The fifth volume of the Ruiju sandai kyaku SIIKHftflr contains a note sent from Dewa during the second month of 851 (Kasho 4) entitled, "The Necessity to Place One Onmyoji," and also lists two notes sent by Dewa on the ninth month of 882 (Gangyo 6) entitled, "The Neces- sity to Place One Onmyoji at the Army Base." In the latter, it states: "Since ancient times, there were no onmyoji in this prefecture. When strange events occur, we turn towards the capital for divination. Even though travel takes ten days, fortunes and misfortunes may still be determined." This conveys the actual circumstances of important areas along the frontier of the Tohoku region (Ouu

Participation in Quelling Ceremonies

At first, the chief duty of Onmyoryo officials was to interpret omens of fortune and misfortune by means of divination. From the end of the Nara period, they partici- pated in various types of quelling ceremonies (chinsai Ä0), and through the mid- Heian period, they gradually transformed into practitioners of magical religion.

Several historical records depict the concerns of onmyoji for ritual ceremo- nies. One may be found in a document called the Zoji zomo seiyocho (dnk 25: 307-31, esp. 321), estimated to have been composed at the begin- ning of 761 (Tenpyo Hoji 5), at the time of the building of the Amida Jodoin l*J;iá\ P'Èîf-rhfê at Hokkeji One verse from this record notes the itemization of the use of trade cloth. It references a charge for a white ceremonial robe. One roll of cloth was rationed to give to this onmyoji as payment. Another document, the Zo Ishiyama'in shosenyocho iêîïlllfêb'féifflil (dnk 15: 441-44, esp. 444) of 762 (Tenpyo Hoji 6) states:

On the fourteenth day of the fourth month, an onmyoji was given twenty writ- ings as payment for a land-quelling ritual [jichinsai JáUtlPí].

The Zo kondosho gean íaáíSBfÄ?;!! (dnk 16: 279-305, esp. 292) of Ishiya- madera 5ll|% composed during the same year, states that an onmyoji was paid with thirty-three books. It also states that their fee sometimes included the price of the five types of grains (gokoku 3Iisi) occasionally used in this ritual. As the process of building Ishiyamadera advanced, religious ceremonies were imple- mented as necessary by onmyoji. The Hosha Issaikyo Shokoku Sakuge ©H wm (dnk 6: 85-107, esp. 89) states that on the twenty-ninth day of the ninth month of 770 (Hoki 1),

One roll of cloth was used. Together with five mats woven of kudzu, and a shinza used for a quelling ceremony, these items were given to an onmyoji as remuneration.

In this case, a quelling ceremony was performed inside Todaiji by an onmyoji, and remuneration was provided for his services.

The details of such ceremonies are not presently clear. However, an extremely early record in the Nihon shoki, dating to the twelfth month of 651 (Hakuchi 2), does relate to land-quelling ceremonies. On the last day of the year, when the capital was moved from Ajifu Palace ftHHT in Settsu to Naniwa Nagara Toyosaki Palace two thousand monks are said to have recited the entire Buddhist canon (Issaikyo -©11). After about twenty-seven hundred lamps were burned inside the Imperial Court, the Antaku sutra and the Dosoku sutra rhfiJH were read, among others.20

A Shosoin document called the Kyokan kanchu ge (dnk 7, 501) may relate to the Antaku and Dosoku sutras. The document dates to the twenty- first day of the intercalary third month of 741 (Tenpyo 13) and mentions an Antaku bo dosoku sutra that may potentially refer to the same scriptures. References to an Antaku sutra, an Antaku shinju sutra an Antaku yosho shinju sutra a Dosoku sutra, and other scriptures are seen here and there within Shosoin records. Thus, it is probably more accu- rate to view them as two different scriptures.

Within the Antaku (shinju) sutra (t 21, no. 1394), the Buddha takes the role of a household protector, admonishing false actions and fearful motions. However, when the house is erected, the hearth and gate are built, and the garden and other areas are constructed, blatantly Chinese deities such as the four directional spirits (Qinglong W*, Baihu oJÄ, Zhuque yfciË, and Xuanwu 5CÄ), the Liu- jia jinhui and the Shier shishen +-0## appear. In spite of the fact that the Sui dynasty Zhongjing mulu IftHIHii (t vol. 55), compiled by Jing Tai tt#, and other works designate it as an apocryphal text, the post-Song Buddhist canon lists it as a lost scripture with an unknown compiler dating to the later Han dynasty.

The Dosoku sutra never entered the Buddhist canon, nor was a copy ever found among the cache of manuscripts discovered at Dunhuang jfcjiL However, in recent years, the existence of countless newly-discovered texts that were otherwise lost from ancient times has been verified. A copy of the Buddhist canon (dating to the close of the Heian period) was discovered in the storehouse at Nanatsudera in Nagoya, inside of which a one-scroll Anbo sutra SrÄH was found. This scripture, thought to have a connection with the still-unknown Dosoku sutra (Naomi 1996; Masuo 2002), is short at only forty lines and can fit on a single page. According to the text, if one burns incense and lights it in front of a grave, repents, and appeases the five phases, day and night, the constellations, and various other spirits, the dei- ties will be relieved and one can repel all harm. That virtuous act not only pacifies seven generations from one's parents, but even reaches all the people in the present world. The contents of the Antaku shinju sutra are also similar; both adopt Chinese concepts such as traditional folk beliefs and five phases thought (wuxingsixiang 3íÍT*nS), and are thus typical of apocryphal Buddhist scriptures.

During those times, Buddhist memorial services were celebrated on the last day of the year. They are also thought to have had a nature that resembles that of the oharae and the Oniyarai sai 1110 (or Na no matsuri). However, afterwards, such rituals were implemented even when Fujiwara-kyo HIES and Heijo-kyo TÄS were constructed.

According to the Nihon shoki, on the twenty-seventh day of the tenth month of 691 (Jito 5), Empress Jito dispatched messengers to conduct quell-

ing ceremonies at Aramashi Palace fifîÉ'S'. On the twenty-third day of the fifth month of the following year, the Nihon shoki records that the empress dispatched Jokoshi îf-jAifi, the Naniwa no okimi ít'/JJHi, to perform land-quelling rites at Fujiwara Palace jSUEH'. Alongside Aramashi Palace, land-quelling rites were also performed at Fujiwara-kyo and the new Imperial Palace.

Identically, the Shoku Nihongi references a land-quelling rite performed at Heijo Palace on the fifth day of the twelfth month of 708 (Wado 7), but specific details concerning these rituals are unknown. It is also impossible to validate whether or not onmyoji ever took part in these ceremonies.

There are also several ceremonies listed in book three ("Extraordinary festi- vals") of the Engishiki MHÄ, which was compiled during the early days of the tenth century. Near the beginning of this list are Chin doko sai and Chin shingüjisai Ä fit "iritis. It also mentions Chin gozaisho sai ÜÍÍPÍE BflS, Chin somei sai ÜIIMIíc, Goso sai Willie, Chin suijin sai Ä7jc#0, and Gosei sai M #0, among others such as Kyüjo shikü yakujin sai "iTÄHfÄiSttlic and Kinai- kai jüsho yakujin sai A great number of these rituals seem to resemble the above-mentioned quelling ceremonies referenced in the Nihon shoki and the Shoku Nihongi.

In volume sixteen of the Engishiki-the rites of the Onmyoryo-it states that, "Whenever harmful energies [gaiki Hilt] are to be subdued at the New Year, carefully note in advance the position of these vapors and request the materi- als needed for their subduing from the ministry."21 There were thus regulations concerning quelling ceremonies to subdue this harmful energy at the New Year. It is believed that with regards to these religious ceremonies, these duties were divided as necessary between the Jingikan ttlftüf and the onmyoji that broad- ened the scope of such ceremonies.

Mikkyo was also remarkable due to its processes for clearing land, building foundations (kidan and then constructing edifices, subduing the gods of the land (tochi no kami rhtt,#), and praying for the peace of the building. Various rituals were performed, such as appeasing the land, the foundations, the home, creating a kekkai In#, presenting offerings to Doko rbß, and so on.22

For example, the Tento-bu §1$ of the Kakuzensho an aggregate of oral traditions and iconography related to Shingon ÄW Mikkyo rituals, con- tains a ritual called Jiten ho Within the text of the Jiten ho can be found descriptions of the Doko Kuho rb&ffiiÈ and the Dojin Sai rh#0, which involve chants named the "Hachiyo spells," or alternately, the "mantras of the Hachiyo sutra" AHH (tz 5: 509). The Fudo ho sfWJÍÍ, located in volume seventy-nine of the same scripture, records that the monk Chikai I?'/* of Kajüji per- formed home-subduing ceremonies during the sixth month of 1146 (Kyüan 2; t 78: 453). These rituals were performed at the new mansion of the Iyo no mori Fujiwara no Tadataka lilEÄlil, located at Hojüji ííríiF. However, on the kanpaku If t=l and kechigan InB days, the Antaku shinju sutra and the Tenchi hachiyo shinju sutra (t 85, no. 2897) were recited.

This Tenchi hachiyo shinju sutra was compiled in China between the latter half of the seventh century and the first half of the eighth, and was transmitted widely throughout Asia thereafter. Within the sutra, the Buddha explains to the bodhisattva Muge ÄHifl! that this scripture will relieve the present world of its wretched condition. He also explains that it will eradicate all kinds of harm- ful deities such as the four directional spirits, the Liujia jinhui, the Shier zhushen +-fltt, and Tufu fulong Furthermore, it grants the ability for one's parents to become buddhas, recovery from sickness, the prosperity of one's descendants, peaceful childbirths, marriages, and interments. It emphasizes great profits that range to all things in the present world and the next world, and shares this attribute with the Antaku shinju sutra.

References to the Tenchi hachiyo shinju sutra also appear within the Wei- wang luanzhen lu fèSSLÂii in the Tang dynasty catalog Zhenyuan shijiao lu jltcfxffcíí (t 55, no. 2157, ioi7a-b), which also mentions a Yin yangjixiongjiezai chuhuo fa Mííl&ISí-fíiíí:. While the Tenchi hachiyo shinju sutra was com- piled in China and does not seem to have entered the Buddhist canon, a version similar to an old manuscript of this text was unearthed from the caves at Dun- huang. Beginning with this manuscript, the text was translated from Chinese to Uighur, Mongol, and Tibetan. In Korea, it was translated from Chinese to Han- gul. It circulates in publication even today (see Masuo 1994 for related texts).

The Tenchi hachiyo shinju sutra was also transmitted to Japan. Records dem- onstrate that it was copied in 761 (Tenpyo Hoji 5) and 764 (Tenpyo Hoji 8), at the canon-copying facility (Hosha issaikyo sho fflÜBff) of Todaiji (dnk 15: 14-15; 16: 548). It is very likely that when Ishiyamadera or Hokkeji were con- structed, this scripture was read at the same places where onmyoji performed quelling ceremonies.

In the Zhengtong Daozang lEfjt3t)H, the Daoist canon compiled during the Ming dynasty, there is a scripture titled Taishang laojun shuo anzhai baying jing (included in Zhengtong Daozang, Dongzhen bu, Benwen lei, v. 341). This indicates that teachings such as those of the Antaku shinju sutra and the Tenchi hachiyo shinju sutra led to some connection and permeation between Buddhism and Chinese religions, especially Daoism.

The Formation of Onmyodo Rituals

Quelling rites performed by officials of the Onmyoryo diversified greatly from the latter half of the Nara period through the early Heian period, during which they were performed to subdue curses or to quiet vengeful spirits (onryo ?&.S) or even possibly because of strange events or natural disasters.

According to the Montoku jitsuroku ft, on the eighth day of the twelfth month of 853 (Ninju 3), Onmyoryo officials performed the Goiki shizume Hílti!, which depended on an "Onmyosho ho" in various prefectures as well as temples every year.

According to the Sandai jitsuroku Hftift, on the third day of the eighth month of 859 (Jogan 1), the onmyo hakase Shigeoka no Kawahito âti&jllÀ and others performed rituals at Kozan itjlll in Yoshino lifSf province. These ritu- als were meant to prevent damage from insects, and were based on the Tochüjo saiho23 lífííff 00:. In the previous year, the same rituals were enacted by Johoku no Funaoka ítótfüíÉr. After that, identical ceremonies were performed during the second month of 863 (Jogan 5) and the seventh month of 866 (Jogan 8). The ritual was associated with the place name Jishü 1#, and seems to have become known as Kazan sai itj|l|0.

The following year, during the first month of 867 (Jogan 9), there was an epi- demic. In various regions within the five provinces and seven districts, recita- tions of the Nino hannya sutra CïîKÏjH were joined with performances of Kikisai by the Jingikan and the Onmyoryo.

Onmyoryo officials complied with requests from aristocratic society and created novel magical rituals by referring to the Yin yang shu HH#, the Dong Zhongshu jishu and other textual sources. In this way, from the early days of the Heian period, the Onmyoryo and its staff achieved a unique transfiguration, from skilled officials who presided over divination to religious practitioners-onmyoji.24

Onmyodo rituals listed in the Engishiki include the Niwabi Narabini Hirano no kamagami no matsuri the Gohonmyo sai the Sangen sai HtcÍpc, and the aforementioned Oniyarai sai. Since before and after this compilation, the number of Onmyodo ceremonies increased rapidly. In the Engishiki, the fees for various rituals are prescribed in detail, but there is no description of their composition. It only states that every year, the Honmyo sai was performed six times and the Sangen sai three times.

The Niwabi Narabini Hirano no kamagami no matsuri was performed every month on a mizunoto §1 day selected to be auspicious. The Jingikan also per- formed the Imibi niwabi sai S.'Á.MtkM at the Naizenji on the first day of each month. On the sixth and twelfth months it was performed after the Jingojiki and on the eleventh month, it was performed after the Niiname sai fiflaíS. The four deities, Imaki no kami Kudo no kami AS!#, Furuaki no kami "È"If#, and Hime no kami itac#, are enshrined at Hirano jinja TSf #tt in Kado-no-gun MStffl in Yamashiro illÄ province (located in Kyoto's Kita-ku ward). However, Kado no kami and Furuaki no kami in particular are tutelary deities of the hearth (kamagami H#), with Korean lineage.25

The god of the hearth was an important divinity derived from ancient Chinese folk beliefs. However, there are various opinions concerning this deity's character: some believe it to be a god of fire, others a god of the family, and still others blend these two theories. The term for hearth (kamado m) appears in the Yiwen leiju "SJCMM under Chapter 80, the section relating to fire. This section, frequently referenced in Japan, quotes from Chapter 6 of the Baopu zi neipian ÎMFPF'-Jli:

On the last night of each month, the deity of the hearth again returns to heaven to report the sins and offenses of humans. If they are great, three hundred days are taken from his lifespan. If they are minimal, only a day is taken from his lifespan.

The Baopu zi, thought to be compiled by the Chinese alchemist Ge Hong J5Ä of the Eastern Jin period, is also referenced in the works of Yamanoue no Okura Jl. and Kükai Prior to this quoted section of the Yiwen leiju, the exis- tence of the deity Siming is referenced in relation to longevity methods:

Within one's body are the sanshi [HP], three spirits in the retinue of souls, spirits, ancestors, and deities. They endeavor to cause humans to die more quickly. Certainly these sanshi become demons and naturally wander in self- indulgence before returning to humans. In this way, on every koshin [Üí] day, they rise to heaven and report human faults to Siming.

This is the first point at which the theory of the sanshi can be found, and it is the foundation of the koshin belief (koshin shinko JÉïfêW). This explanation was frequently expanded by a number of works such as the Zhen'gao MlÉ, com- posed during the Liang dynasty by Tao Hongjing and the Youyang zazu MUílffl composed during the Tang by Duan Chengshi KJÄÄ, also transmit- ted to Japan. From the ninth century onward, koshin belief was disseminated by Mikkyo and Onmyodo officials (Kubo 1996).

Niwabi no kami S&ikffl and Hirano no kamagami TEfli#, the Inbi no kami worshiped at the Naizenji, were especially regarded as sacred because they affected the everyday meals and dining tables of the emperor and his fam- ily. It is hypothesized that their background relates to the Chinese belief in Sim- ing as a deity of the hearth (Masuo 2001).

With regards to Honmyo sai, the Honmyo saimón ÍpIíc26 composed by Ki Haseo in 888 (Ninna 4) contains prayers to a multitude of deities that manipulate registers and lifespans such as Tiancao Difu JÉ.J#, Siming, Silu US, Hebo jnj'íá, and Shuiguan 7jcH'. These are for attaining prosperity, practic- ing the virtue of docility, preventing suffering at home, cultivating the benevolence of love, and keeping ones family strong. Grounded in the belief in Siming, it was believed that on their honmyo ífvnp days, the sins and offenses of the emperor, the empress, the crown prince, and others were reported to the heavenly gods. They provided dried animal meat and prayed to the deity Honmyo ífvnp to gain years, eliminate calamity, or to summon fortune. However, a controversy arose as to whether one's honmyo day was dictated by one's birthdate or one's birth year.27

Chapter 160 of the Byakuho kusho ÚsL OÍ'p, a text compiled during the first half of the fourteenth century by Ryôson of Toji describes the Honmyo- sei ku (tz 7: 334-35). According to this chapter, during the tenth month of 961 (owa 1), the honmyo ku was performed for Emperor Murakami by Hozo of Todaiji and the tenmon hakase Kamo no Yasunori This record demonstrates the controversy concerning the interpretation of individual honmyo days. Hozo believed that a honmyo day was calculated by one's birth- date in accordance with the sexagenary cycle, while Kamo no Yasunori claimed that one's birth year was the deciding factor. Texts such as the Jixiu yaofa ÍpHÍ! B1ÍÉ, located in the Fantian huoluo tu (t 21: 462), as well as Chinese literature such as the Ge Xuan gong zhabei doufa the Jiannan louyi kai wulu xie mingguan shao benming qianwen and others, are authorities on this matter. However, the Honmyo sai of Onmyodo and the Honmyo genjin ku of Mikkyo were both emphasized at least until this point.

Regarding the Sangen sai, it is believed that this ritual resembles the Daoist Sanyuan zhai ELjtjÊ, regulations for which are described in volume four of the Da Tang liudian Jft. The sanyuan =Ljt (Jp. sangen) deities consist of Tian- guan Diguan JÉ.H', and the aforementioned Shuiguan, and they are wor- shiped at each Daoist temple (daoguan 3ttü) on the three sanyuan days. These days fall on the fifteenth days of the first month (shangyuan JiTC), the seventh month (zhongyuan TÉ), and the tenth month (xiayuan Ttc).

Moreover, by the close of the Heian period, more than forty Onmyodo ritu- als centered on praying for the individual health and longevity of aristocrats had been formulated.28 These rituals were based on the Chinese beliefs in honmyo, Zokusho KS, or the realm of the dead (mingjie %W), and included such ritu- als as the Zokusho sai KS0, the Rojin seisai GAULIS, the Keikoku seisai Sífc, the Genkü Hokkyoku sai 10, the Honmyo genjin sai and the Taihaku seisai ÍCt=lS0. Among all of these, the most popularly per- formed ritual was Taizan Fukun sai

Taizan Fukun (Ch. Taishan Fujun) is the lord of the eastern peak of Mt. Tai (Taishan #|1|) in China, a deity that summons the spirits of the dead and administers the lengthening and shortening of human lifespans. However, when Yama (Jp. Enmaten -the lord and guardian of the southern direction in Indian esoteric Buddhism-was transmitted to China, Taizan Fukun became a demon god that administered judgment on the lives and offenses of humans in the same way. As a magistrate of the realm of the dead, he came to be recognized with Yama. He ranked as a divinity that served Yama under the influence of Tiandi iff and also led various deities and spirits, beginning with Wudao dashen

In Japan, Taizan Fukun sai came into existence around the beginning of the tenth century. However, supplicants were offered long life and worldly benefits to ward off calamitous events, to preserve the imperial throne, or to advance in gov- ernment rank, so the ritual became central to the noble class. It was implemented on every honmyo day, during the four seasons, or possibly every month, but also as needed for illness, childbirth, natural disasters, and strange events. The object of prayers was not only Taizan Fukun, but also Yama (here Yanluo tianshi WHP), Wudao dashen, Tianguan, Diguan, Shuiguan, Siming, Silu, Honmyo, Kairo shogun Tochi reigi rhiMtlS, and Kashin jojin i§cl!3tÀ (collectively referred to as the Meido nojunishin Ä3I+-#). Within Onmyodo, Taizan Fukun was treated as superior to the twelve deities,29 which differed from his worship in China.

Each of these divinities comes from Buddhist or Daoist scriptures or other Chinese literature dating from the Six Dynasties through the Tang. They can also possibly be seen in notes in old manuscripts from Dunhuang. However, because Taizan Fukun was highly positioned among these Meido no junishin and the ritual took on his name, the original position of Taizan Fukun sai as a Japanese Onmyodo ritual can be perceived (Masuo 2000a).

Written sources on varied Onmyodo practices did not originate simply from yin and yang and five phase theories-they evolved from various kinds of writings, relating to Daoism, Mikkyo, Confucianism, and other Chinese folk traditions. This indicates that while Onmyodo itself extensively absorbed elements of these various components, they were all completely reconstructed on Japanese soil.

Writings Related to Onmyodo

Provisions on the types of textbooks used by students of the Onmyoryo cannot be found in the ritsuryo codes. However, according to the Shoku Nihongi, on the ninth day of the eleventh month of 757 (Tenpyo Hoji 1), instructional texts were specified for each category of doctors and scholars and appointed in various prefectures:30

* Astronomy students:

* The "Tianguan shu" líllr, located in the Shiji 5ÈLIS.

* The "Tianwen zhi" located in the Hanshu itll.

* The "Tianwen zhi," located in the Jinshu lall.

* The Sanse buzan HfeffSf (or the Sanjia buzan HlKffjif).

* The Hanyangyaoji fiSlcÄ.

* Yin-yang students:

* The Zhouyi IbJJj.

* The Xinzhuan yin yangshu fjrii 111 lili!.

* The Huangdi jingui

* The Wuxing dayi Sírjí.

* Calendar students:

* The "Luli zhi" iMKfe, located in the Hanshu.

* The "Luli zhi," located in the Jinshu.

* The Dayan liyi

* The JiuzhangflnI.

* The Liuzhang/\

* The Zhoubi JnJÍÍ.

* The Dingtianlun

These texts played a great role in Japan, especially as theoretical books that bridged the whole of Onmyodo. Texts such as the Wuxing dayi, compiled by Xiao Ji during the Sui dynasty, and the Xinzhuan yin yang shu, compiled by Lü Cai during the Tang dynasty, contained yin-yang and five phase ideol- ogy, as it was known during those periods in China.

By the end of the ninth century, Fujiwara no Sukeyo fSJEfeiit had published the first Japanese catalog of books imported from China. This catalog, the Nihon koku genzaisho mokuroku HIHÂÎEliii, listed 461 scrolls (in 85 divisions) of texts on astronomy, 167 scrolls (in 55 divisions) relating to calendrical science, and 919 scrolls (in 156 divisions) of works relating to the five phases. However, because the catalog omits items on current texts related to astronomy and the five phases, it is believed that a number of other texts were also imported to Japan. It is inferred that Onmyodo was systematized depending on such Chinese texts related to yin and yang. However, the compilation of Japanese texts on Onmyodo seems to have begun around the mid-ninth century.

According to the Sandai jitsuroku, the Onmyo no kami-cum-Onmyo no hakase, Shigeoka no Kawahito,31 passed away on the twenty-seventh day of the fifth month of 874 (Jogan 16) and as written in Chapter 147 of the Ruiju kokushi SSISSÍl., he left behind these four works: Seyo dosei kyo i&llKlff-II in three scrolls, the Shisho sukuyo kyo ÎhÎÎIBIîI in one scroll, the Jisen shinjutsu tonko sho ÎÔjlIfjfÎlfjfiEPlg in two scrolls, and the Kinki shinchü The Honcho hojaku mokuroku attributes two other works to Shigeoka: the Roko rikujo and the Takkan kyo H, each in one scroll. However, none of these works have survived (Nakamura 1997). The Honcho hojaku mokuroku records four additional works:

* The Süki kyo of Shii no Muraji ikai in one scroll. This text was scattered and eventually lost.

* The Senji ryakketsu attributed to Abe no Seimei SrfpBf K in one scroll. This text still exists today.

* The Rekirin of Kamo no Yasunori ÄSHSSK in ten scrolls. The contents of this text are thought to be conveyed within the later Rekirin mondo shü of Kamo no Arikata Äxíiítí.

* The Zassho ítll of Kamo no Ieyoshi Ä SisKäi in one scroll and four parts. This title is believed to indicate an older manuscript of the Onmyo zassho IMtít».32

Early on in the twelfth century, the Kamo family used the Onmyo zassho, writ- ten by Kamo no Ieyoshi, as an authoritative document for yin-yang studies. Until the Kamakura period, the Kamo were appointed to report even to the Retired Emperor Shirakawa [=[?nj and others. In Chapter 24, "Fushime yuisho" fiplHfiffi, the text reads: "The Gennyo Gosezu 3£Ç33ÈIH states that it is extremely lucky to bathe at noon on the seventh day of the seventh month, as it removes four thou- sand sins." The title of Chapter 34, "Mokuyoku kichijistu" Î-ïS-lÉf E3 (Lucky days to bathe), resembles this passage. However, its contents resemble the description of bathing in Chapter 41 of the Yunji qiqian "Qiqian zafa" -fctÜítíí:. In addition, the contents of Chapter 31, "Hakke" AÍK are also believed to depend on Chapter 36 of the Yunji qiqian. The Yunji qiqian, a 122-chapter work composed by Zhang Junfang StfjJi? of the Northern Song dynasty, was adopted into the Daoist canon (the Da Song tiangong baozang during the first half of the eleventh century. Called the "Xiao Daozang" it is a work that advanced the organization of Daoist doctrine, rituals, histories, biographies, and the like (see Zhengtong Daozang).

During the mid-Muromachi period, Tsunetsugu ÍEffi, a descendant of the Kamo family, compiled Kichijitsu ko hiden (Jitsuho zassho H'/Èîl#). There are a striking number of recognizably Daoist elements contained therein.

For example, Chapter 35 enumerates twelve different Daoist talismans (fuju ffPÄ; Ch.fuzhou in order to eliminate bad dreams. It develops a theory of dreams while quoting from texts related to Daoism such as the Yangsheng lun the Huangdi neijing filtré Ii, and the Sun zhenren tiaoshen lun MM ÀfJl#fra. However, it clearly seems to be based on a section in Chapter 46 of the Yunji qiqian titled Yanwumengzhou

Also, Chapter 45, entitled Yosei enmei ron concretely explains the various problems concerning nourishing life (Ch. yangsheng that should be heeded at intervals of once per day, per month, per year, or per season.

Chapter 66, on Jochin ho tSÄo:, contains several additional titles, such as Sei sankon shin Sei shichihaku shin Sei sanshi jutsu ©JH P#I, Joyagyo ho SSftíííí:, Jo engyo ho SSíafríÉ, Toko kaho S'/IjnJä:, Hei hyakki ho IfHJiLíí:, and Jo kodoku ho tiáípíí:. The text contains a great number of terms related to Daoism, from deities such as Taishang Laojun and Tiancao to phrases such as jiji ru lüling kouchi BP*, wogu SESJ, and fushi ffÄ. The contents of these entries are nearly identical to those in the Yunji qiqian-its influence here is remarkable.

Concluding Remarks

In the ritsuryo system, the Onmyoryo was first a special government office mainly in charge of divination. From the Nara period, its staff began to partici- pate in quelling rituals. From the early days of the Heian period, they conducted various kinds of prayers and spell-like rituals. While responding to appeals from Heian noble society, a great number of Onmyodo rituals were formulated, and it began to systematize into an individual religious body.

Rituals representative of Onmyodo include katatagae and harae Ä, the first of which concerned the directions. In order to not anger deities wandering in the eight directions-deities such as Daishogun ÇjjE, Taihaku ict=l, Tenichi , Konjin ##, and other deities related to the planet Venus-they travel in a different direction and avoid calamitous taboos. Katatagae was especially prac- ticed during the Heian period (Frank 1958).

Harae was originally a duty performed by the Jingikan that worshiped the gods of Japan. However, during the tenth century, a harae performed by onmyoji came into being. For example, the Shichise no harae -fcÜ/PJc was per- formed on the last day of every month. The emperor would breathe on a hito- gata AM prepared by an onmyoji and lightly brush his body against it; the hitogata was then discarded in the rapids of Nanakasho -fcÄBf in Heiankyo. This ritual was further enlarged as the Karin no harae ¿nJISm/PJc, and was tem- porarily performed at Nanakasho on the periphery of Heiankyo. However, Mikkyo monks were also influenced by these rituals; they performed an Onmyodo-like ritual called Rokuji Karin ho 7\îSJ|5mÎÈ. In this ritual, a homa (Jp. goma lilt) was performed atop a boat floating on the river with Rokuji Myoo as the honzon A priest chanted the Nakatomi harae after which a hitogata was thrown into the river. This was the prod- uct of fusion between kami worship, Mikkyo, and Onmyodo, which itself was based on Chinese rituals.

There are others: for example, a Mikkyo ritual called the Anchin ho the goal of which was the protection of the nation and not simply a rite for good health, increased profits, or the exorcism of curses. It was widely practiced, even just to quell the home or to create a kekkai. However, in that ritual, the oharae norito ttfsl were read. In order to adopt Onmyodo rituals such as the Doko sai rhífc, Mikkyo rites to heavenly deities such as the Yakushi ho the Myoken ho the Meido ku and the Enmaten ku HsWlKffi were initi- ated. There are also many parts in common with Onmyodo, and elements related to Daoism are dense.

Also, there was henbai JxW, a purifying performance of movements that involved treading down on the ground by onmyoji when distinguished persons and others arrived before the emperor. This practice originated between the end of the Warring States period and the early Han dynasty in China with a ritual called yubu H#. It is a ritual that also extends to Daoism founded upon various beliefs relating to Polaris and Ursa Major. However, the henbai practiced by the Kamo and Abe clans implied that a Buddha or bodhisattva was the divinity. Furthermore, the incantation and the hand gestures utilized demonstrate a strong Mikkyo character.

The existence of male or female Daoist practitioners or even Daoist temples in Japan cannot be confirmed. Daoism certainly did not develop there as a reli- gious organization. However, because Chinese Daoism adapted the ideology of yin, yang, and the five phases, the knowledge and arts of yin and yang were transmitted by immigrants from Korea and China. Naturally, various Daoist ele- ments came to be included in these transmissions.

In China, from the beginning of the Tang dynasty, the connection between Mikkyo and Daoism deepened significantly, but in Japan, from the beginning of the Heian period, Daoist elements were received to a large degree by Mikkyo. In regards to the development and course of Onmyodo in Japan, it is absolutely crucial to recognize the multilayered influence of Mikkyo and kami worship (see Masuo 2000b).

Footnote

1. Translator's note: Both toso and byakusan refer to alcoholic drinks believed to have medici- nal properties.

2. Translator's note: Dunjia is a Chinese-derived system of divination originally related to military strategy and tactics. It is also based on astronomical calculations.

3. Translator's note: This tool may also be called a chokuban. Generally made of wood, it is composed of a flat board and an attached hemispherical dome. Turning the dome assists the shikiban user in performing divination rituals.

4. Translator's note: The Sui Shu was compiled in 636, as was the previously mentioned Zhou Shu. The Bei Shi was compiled slightly later, in 659.

5. Translator's note: Fangshu denotes a wide variety of practices and techniques performed by fangshi ÍTib, specialists of occult knowledge in early China. For more on the fangshi, see Campany 1996 and DeWoskin 1983.

6. Translator's note: Jugon (Ch. zhoujiri) was a Chinese discipline that utilized swords and magic spells to exorcise evil spirits. During the Tang and Song dynasties, jugon specialists were employed by the Imperial Divination Office (Taiboku sho Ml); see Davis 2001, 61.

7. Translator's note: This plant may be a number of species from the genus Atractylodes, par- ticularly Atractylodes japónica. Related species have a history of use in traditional Chinese medi- cine, where it is known as baizhu.

8. For the nature of okera as a panacea, see Shinkawa 1999.

9. For the establishment and organization of the Onmyoryo, see Noda 1991a; Tamura 1991; Atsuya 1977; Kosaka 1987; and others.

10. Translator's note: See Bock 1985,13-14.

11. Eshun subsequently served as Zusho no kami 0#gl and Ten'yaku no kami ASIël. Accord- ing to the Toshi Kaden and later texts, he was a fangshi.

12. Translator's note: Ryükan was a monk of Korean stock. It is unclear whether he became a monk in lapan or in Korea. This name would be romanized Ryunggwan in Korean.

13. Translator's note: For a full translation of the Soniryo, see Piggott 1987, 267-73.

14. Translator's note: The term usedfor mantras here is zhou 5E (Jp. ju PR). This term is ambig- uous and may also be used in a non-Buddhist context to refer to spells, curses, or other such occult arts.

15. Translator's note: This was a Chinese code of regulations for Buddhist and Daoist clergy implemented during the year 637.

16. Translator's note: The practice or practices collectively known as dojutsu fugon have yet to be concretely identified. A literal translation of the characters implies that it relates to Daoist techniques, talismans, and forbidden arts.

17. Translator's note: Here, taiyi and liuren are both styles of divination with Chinese origin. The taiyi method is named after a Chinese deity.

18. Translator's note: It is presently unknown what dieshi divination consisted of. The second character suggests that it was a type of bamboo divination.

19. For the political significance of this problem, see Saeki 1970a and 1970b.

20. Translator's note: The Nihon shoki reads It is thus ambiguous whether the original record refers to one scripture or two.

21. Translator's note: See Bock 1985, 29.

22. See Murayama 1990, especially the chapter "Jichin to chindan" iéiftfciftlt.

23. Translator's note: "Tochüjo" is the Japanese pronunciation of Dong Zhongshu irfiÄP (179-104 bce), a celebrated Confucianist of the Former Han Dynasty. He advocated an ideology that was intimately related to the harmony of yin and yang.

24. See Yamashita 1996, especially the chapter "Onmyoji saiko" BIS! (SSW#, and Noda 1991b.

25. See Yoshie 1986, especially the chapter "Hirano-sha no seiritsu to henshitsu" TifttWSS

26. See "Sanjugo bunshu" (zgr 12a), included in Miki 1992.

27. See Yamashita 1996, especially the chapter "Onmyodo no tenkyo" PftPJfjS* AÄ.

28. See Yamashita 1996, especially the chapters "Onmyodo no tenkyo" PftPJfjS* AÄ and "Mikkyo seishin ku no seiritsu to tenkai" îuffcMfiÂWSSitfcMU.

29. See zst, vol. 1, Taiki "cîsë. Second month, seventh day, 1143 (Koji 2).

30. Translator's Note: See Bender and Zhao, 2010.

31. Shigeokas birthdate and age are unknown.

32. See Nakamura 1985. For a description of the relationship between Japanese texts on Onmyodo and Daoism, see Nakamura 1997.

References

REFERENCES

abbreviations

dnk Dai Nihon komonjo 24 vols. Ed. Tokyo Daigaku Shiryo Hensansho Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1968.

dnz Dai Nihon zokuzokyo 150 vols. Revised and updated edi- tion, Nishi Yoshio Hi Hit and Tamashiro Koshiro EEÄJjtE3ß|5, eds. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai, 1980.

t Taisho shinshu daizokyo 85 vols. Takakusu Junjiro íüfS JIM<CÊ|5 and Watanabe Kaigyoku ïÊiâïMMl, eds. Tokyo: Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai, 1924-1932.

tz Taisho shinshu daizokyo zuzo 12 vols. Takakusu Junjiro and Watanabe Kaigyoku, eds. Tokyo: Taisho Shinshu Daizokyo Kankokai, 1975-1978.

zgr Zoku gunsho ruijü Hill II#. 37 vols. Hanawa Hokiichi iMÄEL- et al., eds. Tokyo: Taiheiyo Daigo Kojo, 1957-1959.

zst Zoho shiryo taisei iÜiiÍLfiv'CJjL 48 vols. Ed. Zoho Shiryo Taisei Kankokai. Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 1965.

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ZhengtongDaozangM-S-W; (-h$S * ïSlIÉPlIrlit) JK IT 3t iHü . Taiping bu W> 677 702 AMI.