This paper presents textual evidence for the Turkic word qimiz "fermented mare's milk" in a broad historical and cultural context. It combines philological and linguistic analysis with cultural and historical examination, as well as supporting archaeological evidence. Original primary sources in Byzantine Greek, Turkic, Sogdian, Chinese, Arabic, Persian, and Mongolian, ranging from the 6th-13th centuries, have been analyzed and re-evaluated. The primary meaning "sour, acidic" for qimiz is attested by Mahmūd al-Käšvarī (1077), and in various modern Turkic languages. I argue that the direct etymon of Turkic qimiz is Middle Persian hāmīz "a pickled meat dish," with the basic meaning "sour, fermented." Furthermore, I propose that a Semitic word of the Proto-Semitic root ·hmş "to sour, ferment" (most probably Biblical Hebrew hāmēş, modern Hebrew chametz "leavened [food; forbidden on Passover]") is the ultimate origin of certain names of fermented, sour food and drink items in Semitic, Iranian, Armenian, and Turkic languages. Thus, I propose to call Hebrew hāmēs a sort of "Wanderwort," whose spread-via Syriac and other languages-was supported by the religious significance of the Hebrew term.
Keywords: Ancient equestrian nomadic culture, etymology, Old Turkic qimiz, Mongolic estig and airag, fermented dairy products, alcoholic beverages, Middle Persian hāmīz, Hebrew hāmēs/chametz.
Özet: Bu çalışma, Türkçe kımız "mayalanmış kısrak sütü" sözcüǧünün metinsel tanıklarını geniş kapsamlı tarih ve kültürel baǧlamı içinde ortaya koymaktadır. Bunu yaparken filolojik ve dilbilimsel analiz, tarihî ve kültürel incelemenin yanı sıra arkeolojik buluntular da kullanılmıştır. Altı ila on üçüncü yüzyıllara ait Bizans Yunancası, Türkçe, Soǧdca, Çince, Arapça, Farsça ve Moǧolca gibi dillerdeki birincil kaynaklar yeniden deǧerlendirilmiştir. MahmÛd el-Kâşgarî'de (1077) ve bazı çaǧdaş Türk dillerinde kımız sözcüǧünün esas anlamının "ekşi" olduǧuna dair tanıklar bulunmaktadır. Çalışmada Türkçe kımız sözcüǧünün doǧrudan kaynak kelimesinin (etimon), esas anlamı "ekşi, mayalanmış" olan Orta Farsça hāmīz "et turşusu" kelimesi olduǧunu öneriyorum. Ayrıca, Sami, İran, Ermeni ve Türk dillerinde bulunan ekşimiş ya da mayalanmış bazı yiyecek ve içecek adlarının nihai kaynaǧının, Proto-Sami ·hmş "ekşimek, mayalanmak" kökünden türemiş Samice bir kelime (büyük ihtimalle Eski Ahit İbranicesi hāmēs, modern İbranice chametz "[Pesah sırasında yasak olan] mayalanmış [gıdalar]") olduǧunu iddia ediyorum. Bundan dolayı, İbranice hāmēs m. bir çeşit "Wanderwort" olarak kabul edilebileceǧini ileri sürüyorum. İbranice terimin dinî önemi-Süryanice ve başka diller üzerinden-yayılmasında rol oynamış olmalıdır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Eski atlı göçebe kültürü, etimoloji, Eski Türkçe kımız, Moǧolca estig ve airag, mayalanmış süt ürünleri, alkollü içecekler, Orta Farsça hāmīz, İbranice hāmēs/chametz.
(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)
In his original, if not widely acknowledged paper "What Did the Old Turks Call Fermented Mares' Milk?" Marcel Erdal (2009) has cautiously proposed to (indirectly) link the Turkic word qimiz to Arabic hāmid "sour," with the potential Persian intermediary qamîzd In this paper I want to elaborate and revise Erdal's proposal and Sevan Nişanyan's version thereof.2 I will highlight early textual sources (6th to 13th centuries), in Turkic and other languages, which could be expected or are generally assumed to contain the word qimiz, but do not. After ruling out genuine Turkic etymologies that have been proposed, I will scrutinize Mahmūd al-Kāšyarī's crucial 11th century Karakhanid Turkic data on qimiz "kumis; sour" (and qor "ferment or starter culture for making qimiz and yogurt") with their Arabic translations, and foreground the meaning "sour, acidic" for qimiz. I will complicate the overall picture by adding the medieval food terms āmiş/câmîş (i.e., Kasyari's Arabic gloss for Turkic qimiz') and Middle Persian hāmīz into the equation. I argue that the immediate etymon of Turkic qimiz is Middle Persian hāmīz-, and that the basic meaning of the food terms qimiz, âmiş/câmîş, hāmīz, et al. is "sour, acidic, fermented" and they all ultimately go back to a distant Semitic word from the Proto Semitic root ·hmş "sour, acidic" (most probably, Biblical Hebrew h&acaron;meş via a Syriac intermediary). Thus, I suggest that Biblical Hebrew h&acaron;meş "leavened, soured, fermented (food)" can be called a "Wanderwort."
In academic and popular writings on the history of the Turks, qimiz (English kumis or koumiss),3 a sour tasting, mildly alcoholic drink from fermented mare's milk,4 is often called a "national beverage" of the Turks, specifically the Central Asian Turks. It is considered a staple food of ancient Turkic equestrian nomadic culture. In fact, the preparation and consumption of (some version of) fermented mare's milk is a shared characteristic of past and present (semi-)nomadic pastoralist peoples of the Eurasian steppes, a vast stretch of grassland extending from Eastern Europe over the top of Central Asia into Mongolia and China. Today, consumption of kumis is most popular among Central Asian Turkic speakers (Kazakh, Kyrgyz, et al.) and Mongol speakers (who call it tsege'. <цегээ>, or aircg <айраг>).
The Turkic word qtmiz first appears around the mid-11th century CE in one Persian and two Karakhanid Turkic Islamic sources from Central Asia. The earliest attestation of qtmiz relates to the Kimek, a pre-Islamic Turkic-speaking tribal union which ruled the steppe in Western Siberia during the 9th and 10th centuries, where they were succeeded by the Kipchaks. The Persian historian Gardīzī in his history Zayn al-ahhār (around 1050) quotes about the Kimek: "Their food during the summer is horse milk (sīr-i ash) which they call qtmiz."5 Around 20 years later, in the 1070s, YÛsuf H&acaron;şş Hājib and Mahmūd al-Kāšyarī record qtmiz in their native Karakhanid Turkic, in the realm of the Islamic Karakhanid Empire with its capital city Balasagun (in modern-day Kyrgyzstan). This date for the first attestation of qtmiz in a Turkic variety is relatively late, considering that written sources in Old Turkic varieties have existed since the 8th century CE. Subsequently, in the 13th century qtmiz is the common word used for "fermented mare's milk" in European travelers' (Latin) accounts on Mongolia - although the contemporary Mongolian text of the Secret History does not use qtmiz, but only Middle Mongol estig (lit., fermented). From the 13th century onwards qtmtz is the dominant word for "fermented mare's milk" in Persian, Arabic, and Turkic literature from Anatolia, Iran, Central Asia and the Eurasian steppes, except for Mongolia and China.
Archeological evidence for horse domestication and horse dairying, and textual evidence for (fermented) horse milk before the Common Era
New archeological evidence points to the beginning of horse milk consumption-as a result of the domestication of the horse-by early Bronze Age pastoralists in the Pontic-Caspian (i.e. western Transeurasian) steppe, by the third millennium BCE.6 Independently, the lower Volga-Don region (today partly Ukraine, Russia, and Kazakhstan) has in particular been pinpointed as the homeland of modern domestic horses.7 Since Bronze Age Eurasians were generally lactose intolerant, horse milk was hardly consumed raw, but rather fermented (in the form of kumis, yogurt, buttermilk, etc.).8
The earliest known textual evidence-before the Common Era-for a (fermented) dairy beverage from mare's milk comes from Old Iranian, Ancient Greek, and Old Chinese sources: 1) As shown by Erdal (2009), the text of the Avesta, the sacred book of Zoroastrians, records the native Old Iranian word hurā three times (the Avesta was first committed to writing probably late in the Sasanian period (224-651 CE), after nearly two millennia of oral transmission by priests).9 Old Iranian (Avestan) hurā (which is a cognate of Sanskrit sur&acaron;, an alcoholic fermented grain drink, sometimes also made with milk) is once glossed as "wine made from mare's milk," apparently a drink of the aristocratic elite. - It is important to note that a Middle Iranian reflex of the Old Iranian word hurā is the etymon for Karakhanid Old Turkic qor "ferment, starter culture (for making qtmtz and yogurt)" (to be discussed in more detail later). 2) Multiple Greek sources concern the (Scythian) nomads of the Pontic-Caspian steppe. In the fifth century BCE Herodotus gives a description of the process of milking mares, and shaking the milk in wooden buckets-presumably part of a fermentation process-among the Scythians, i.e. North Pontic nomads, presumably of Iranian origin.10 3) Old Chinese sources from the second century BCE onwards from the Han dynasty mention the word lao "fermented or sour mare's (or cow's) milk, etc." Subsequently, lao has been continuously in use in historical Chinese sources (besides other Chinese words used later to designate "(variants of) fermented or sour mare's (or camel's) milk"). The Old Chinese sources indicate that the product and the word lao was borrowed from the Xiongnu who were the dominant confederacy of pastoral nomads of the eastern Eurasian steppes at that time. The Xiongnu are referred to (directly and indirectly) in Chinese sources between the second century BCE and second century CE. The Xiongnus were a multilingual union of pastoral nomads that probably included speakers of Turkic, Iranian, and Yeniseyan. Which language the known words of the Xiongnu represent is an unresolved matter.11
Byzantine Greek, Turkic, Sogdian, Chinese, Arabic, Persian, and Mongolian sources (6th-13th century) that do NOT mention the word qimiz
Appropriate sources to find early attestations of qimiz are obviously the Old Turkic literatures themselves, as well as texts in other languages that record diplomatic or other contacts and encounters with Turkic peoples, in territories ruled or inhabited by Turkic speaking groups. There are sporadic references to the consumption of wine (starting in the 6th century), and hard liquor (starting in the 9th century at the earliest) among various Turkic peoples: Greek "gleukos" "sweet wine" (potentially referring to "honey wine") among the Türk of the First Türk Empire (6th century); Ibn Fadlān's Turkic "si-içir" = Arabic "šarah al-casal," i.e. "honey drink (or wine)" among the Bulghar Turks (10th century); Old Uyghur bor and sūčig "wine," and araki "hard liquor" (9th-13th centuries). Indirect and/or uncertain references to, and non-Turkic words for "fermented mare's milk" (or similar dairy products), with some connection to the Uyghurs, are: Sogdian cšt- (between 8th-11th centuries), and Chinese donglao (11th century, reporting an event of the 9th century); Ibn Fadlān's Arabic "nabid," lit. "(fruit) wine" is potentially referring to "kumis" (?) among the Oghuz (10th century); Persian "sir," "milk" in the Hudūd al-'alanı is most probably referring to "kumis" among the Kimek (10th century). However, the word qimiz is not recorded before Gardīzī's Persian history around 1050, and the major Karakhanid works Qutadyu Bilig (1069-70) and K&acaron;syarî's Diwan Luyat at-Türk (1077). The following examples are sources that are generally assumed to contain the word qimiz but do not; or sources that mention "fermented mare's milk" but do not use Turkic qimiz but instead Sogdian, Chinese, or Mongol words for it.
In the 6th century-in response to a previous Türk embassy to Byzantium-the Byzantine envoy Zemarchos led a legation to the court of "Silzibul (Greek ..., with variants) of the Turks" in the region of Sogdiana in Central Asia. In modern scholarship, Silzibul is generally identified with İstemi (or İstemi) Qaghan, the ruler of the western regions of the first Türk Empire (552-630). Zemarchos' report-as preserved in the fragments of Menandros' historical work-mentions a luxurious reception where the Türk drank a native/foreign ("barbarous") kind of gleukos ("yXcUKOUq"), i.e. "sweet wine," explicitly not made of grapes. R. C. Blockley has already rejected Edouard Chavannes' previous claim that the mentionedgleukos, "sweet new wine" (also "grape juice; sweetness") was a reference to kumis since kumis is sour.12 Mihály Dobrovits's suggestion that it might be some Chinese type sweet rice wine13 is plausible; an Old Uyghur term tuturkan suvsus, lit., rice drink, is recorded for "rice wine" (at least) 300 years later. However, it is noteworthy that one of the Old Turkic words for "wine," sücüg "sweet wine, grape juice, must; sweet" is a semantically (almost) exact equivalent to Greekgleukos.14 So, Greekgleukos here might refer to Turkic sücüg. Note that sücüg, in its Bulghar/Oghuz Turkic form лиси, is mentioned in Ihn Fadlān's 10th century Arabic travel account where it explicitly refers to "honey wine" (see below).
The earliest representative of Old Turkic literature, the Runiform inscriptions from the 8th to 10th centuries-mostly from Western Mongolia and Southern Siberia-do not contain the word qtmtz?5 In fact-being biographical or autobiographical narratives of the warfare conducted by the leadership of the Second Türk Empire against neighboring regimes, especially Tang China-the Old Turkic inscriptions do not contain any sort of food or drink vocabulary. The three attested references to food concern the scarcity of food and provisions, using the words d strok sign/"food" (no. 1); and azuq "food for a journey," (no. 2):
(1) So that the name and fame of the Türk people [türk bodun] would not disappear, the Tepri who had raised my father as kaǧan and my mother as katun, the Tepri who had bestowed on us a realm, so that the name and fame of the Türk people would not disappear, made me kaǧan. I did not ascend to the throne over a prosperous people. The people over whom I ascended to the throne were without food in their bellies (lit., inside) [içre aysız] and without clothes on their bodies (lit., outside) [taşra tonsuz] .... (Bilge Qaghan Inscription).16
(2) In order to organize the Sogdian people [sodaq bodun], we crossed the Yinçü River and campaigned as far as the Iron Gate. Later, the Black Türgiş people there turned hostile and went to Keperes. The horses if our army were emaciated and provisions had run out [biziy sü atı turuq azuqi yoq erti], ... (Kül Tégin Inscription).17
The only references to feasts, ceremonies or celebrations in the Old Turkic Runiform inscriptions are to (multiple) funeral feasts (yoy), with one reference to two weddings celebrated "with an extremely grand ceremony" (ertiyü uluy törün; törü means "traditional customary, unwritten law").18 None of these give any details on food or drinks offered or consumed during these celebrations. Thomas Alisen has pointed out that "ceremonial drinking" actually was part of the representational culture of the First Türk Empire (552-744), as graphically conveyed by the depiction of individuals "holding bowls or cups against their stomachs" on a large number of stone statues (balbal) from the Altai of this era.19 Nevertheless the ritual function was not deemed noteworthy in the Runiform inscriptions.
Bearing in mind that this is a different text type and a different cultural domain, it is still worth pointing out the contrast with elaborate Turkic narrative texts from at least 700 years later from Anatolia, Central Asia, and Mughal India where qtmiz plays a role in the description of certain Oghuz and imperial Mongol customs and ritual ceremonies. Very few Old Anatolian Turkish texts (14th and 15th centuries) mention qtmiz-a romantic mesnevi, translated from Persian (Süheylü Nevhahār)-, and historical-epic texts (i.e. Yazicioylu 'All's Tevārth-i Āl-i Selçuk, and the Book if Dede Qorqud)-generally dealing with the bygone days of the great Oghuz (or Seljuk) past.20 Ibn Baţţuţa's 14th century Arabic account of qtmiz consumption in the realm of the Golden Horde in the Crimea and the Pontic-Caspian Steppe is well-known,21 but Ihn Baţţuţa does not mention qtmiz consumption in Anatolia. See the following examples for ceremonial consumption or usage of qtmiz: (no. 3) Consumption of qtmiz during an imperial Seljuk wedding ceremony, namely the wedding of Sultan 'Izzeddin Keykavus to the daughter of the Mengiicek ruler of Erzincan in the early 13th century, from Yazicioylu 'All's Old Anatolian Turkish history of the Anatolian Seljuks, Tevārth-i Āl-i Selçuk a.k.a. Oyuznäme a.k.a. Selcuknāme (completed 1424 or 1436-37); and (no. 4) a ritual ceremony related to the arrangement of the Moghul army near Tashkent in 1502, from Bābūr's 16th century Chagatai Turkic (Turki) autobiographical work Väqä'T, "Events (of his life)," known as the Bāhūrnāme.
(3) When the marriage contract was concluded a sum of 100.000 Florin was assigned as mahr (to be paid to the bride). The bond, union, and relationship were thereby confirmed. The shouts of the heralds and proclaimers saying "May [the union] be felicitous and blessed!" rose all the way from the center of the earth to the highest heavens. Gold and silver coins andjewels were scattered around, so that the royal tent and the open area in front of it became decorated like a court strewn with flowers. A special dinner spread was set up and everyone was invited to eat. Everyone reached out to the food and ate. Various sorts of grains (?) (dāne), saffron rice, broth, a dish prepared with buttermilk (dūyba), a dish prepared with yogurt (māstāba), skewered and roasted meats, helvas and sambosa pastries were eaten. Everyone ate as much as they liked, so that no one-neither the ones sitting nor the ones on their feet (i.e. of high and low status)-was left without enough food. Aromatic musky sharbats, qimiz, and qimran was drunk according to Cghuz custom (qtmiz ve qimran Oyuz resmince içildi). (Yazicioylu 'Alî, Tevārīh-i Al-i Selčuq)™
(4) ... Nine standards were set up before [the Khan], A Moghul tied a long piece of white cloth to a cow's shank and held the other end of the cloth in his hand. Another three long pieces of cloth were tied [to the standards] below the yak tails and wrapped down to the bottom of the standard poles. The end of one piece of cloth was brought for the Khan to stand on. I stood on the end of another, and Sultan Muhammad Khanika stood on the third. The Moghul took hold of the cow's shank to which the cloth was tied, said something in Mongolian and, facing the standards, made a gesture. The khan and all those standing by iprinkled their qimiz onto the standards (tuy sarıya qimizlar saćadurlar). All at once the hautbois and drums were sounded, and the army standing in ranks let out whoops and shouts. Three times they did this. After that the army mounted their horses, shouted, and galloped around. Among the Moghuls the arrangement of the army is exactly as Genghis Khan left it. (Bābūrnāme)23
Returning to pre-13th century sources that do not contain the word qtmtz, it is notable that no reference to the word qtmtz, or fermented mare's milk has (yet) been found in the best attested part of the Old Turkic text corpus, the rather extensive pre-Islamic Old Uyghur literature from the Turfan Oasis (in present-day Xinjiang) and the ancient city of Dunhuang (in present-day Gansu), all in today's western China. This literature is made up of manuscripts and inscriptions dating from the 9th to 13th centuries, largely translated from Tocharian, Chinese, Sanskrit, or Sogdian originals. The fact that qtmtz is not attested may stem from the subject matter of the source texts-mostly (but not exclusively) religious in content (Manichaean, Buddhist, Christian), as well as the lifestyle they primarily reflect, namely that of a mixed population of Uyghur, Tocharian, and Iranian (Sogdian and Khotanese) urban and semi-sedentary peoples of the Uyghur Kingdom in the Tarim Basin.24 We can assume that the Uyghur elite and the nomadic Turkic tribes of these borderlands between China and the steppe were familiar with and consumed fermented mare' s milk. However, vocabulary specific to their horse dairying culture seems little reflected in Old Uyghur literature.
To give an impression of the kind and amount of lexical data relating to milk, dairy products, and alcoholic beverages attested in the Old Uyghur sources, here is a list compiled from Jens Wilkens's Handwörterbuch des Altuigurischen (2021) :25 mare (bi ~ bé or qtsraq); white mare (aq bi); camel cow (ingen); camel cow, or dromedary cow (imported from the West) (ditir); milk (süt); pure, undefiled milk (sdy stir); (for milk after boiling) to produce a layer of fat, i.e. milk skin, on the top (qayaqlan-) ;26 cooked hot milk (btşty isig sūty, butter and milk (yaysūty, honey and milk (mirsüt); to milk (s<ry-); dairy sheep (sayltq qoyn); dairy goat (sayltq eckü); cow's milk (ingek süti); sheep's milk (qoyn süti); goat milk (used as a medicine) (eckü stiti); donkeys milk (ešgek süti); mother's milk (kisi süti, lit. human milk); dog's milk (it süti); a milk dish (süt aš, lit., milk food); milk pudding, flour and rice (aq aš, lit., white food); milk gruel (süt ökre); yogurt, soured milk (or sour buttermilk?) (German "Joghurt, Dickmilch") (yoyrut); dried curd (qurut); wine, alcohol (bor);27 wine vinegar (bor serkesi); alcoholism (bor ig, lit., wine illness); wine (bor sorma), and wheat beer (sorma);28 sweet wine, grape juice, must (stičtig); hard liquor (araqt, ultimately from Arabic 'ataq "sweat"); beer (begni);" rice wine (tuturkan suvsus, lit. rice drink); to get drunk (astir-). Considering this fairly detailed list-including cow's milk, sheep's milk, goat milk, donkey's milk, and even mother's milk and dog's milk-the absence of at stiti, horse milk; qtmtz, fermented mare's milk; and qor, ferment, starter culture (as well as lesser expected ayray or ayran) is nevertheless remarkable.
Although qımız is not attested in Old Uyghur sources, fermented mare's milk is mentioned in Chinese and (Middle Iranian) Sogdian texts of the same time period that are more or less directly connected to the Uyghurs, using Sogdian and Chinese terms for it: The Xin Tang shu, New History of the Tang (completed in 1060), provides indirect evidence for the consumption of fermented mare's milk among the heterogeneous population of the Uyghur Steppe Empire (744-840) which was centered around the Orkhon river in the central Mongolian steppe and had preserved a nomadic lifestyle. The New Tang history-retrospectively-gives an account of a Uyghur embassy to the Tang court in 807. The embassy is coming from the capital city Qara Balghasun (a.k.a. Ordu Balıq), asking the Tang court for permission to build Manichaean temples in China. In this context we learn about the habits of the Manichaean clergy among the Uyghurs: "Their laws prescribe that they should eat only in the evening, drink water, eat strong vegetables and abstain from 'fermented mare's milk' [the word used in the Chinese text is dotiglcto\."30 A similar reference to kumis-with a Christian religious background31-is attested in a Sogdian source from the Turfan Oasis in Xinjiang: Nicholas Sims-Williams, in his work on Christian Sogdian texts (8th to the 11th century) from the Turfan collection, has recorded the Sogdian word est- and glossed it with "kumis," since it had earlier been shown to be an equivalent of Chinese lao "fermented milk, koumiss, yogurt, etc."32 The Sogdian text fragment deals with the manner in which the Christian fast should be conducted: zwty (n') xwY yfy ZYn' qpy v'wnwn n csť n xsyhty pyn rxpyn ms qdf(p)r "... [do not drink] alcoholic liquor, do not eat meat, nor fish, nor butter, nor koumiss (cst-\ nor milk, nor cream, nor yogurt. Moreover, never undertake the fast with slaughtered meat and intoxicating drink, nor break (the fast) with these things, because the fast is a heavenly festival and (an occasion for) purity of obeisance."33 In sum, these Chinese and Sogdian texts from before 1100 indirectly attest to the consumption of kumis among the Uyghurs but they do not use the word qtmiz as the universal name for the product but have names of their own.
An especially important Arabic travel account from the late 10th century of the western Transeurasian steppes is Ibn Fadlān's account (Risala) of his embassy to the king of the Volga Bulghars who were vassals of the Khazars and had just converted to Islam. His mission included religious instruction for the new Bulghar Muslims, as well as diplomatic negotiations. Setting out from Abbasid Baghdad, Ibn Fadlān arrived at the court of the Bulghar king near the confluence of the Volga and Kama Rivers in 922. On his way, he traversed the lands of various Turkic peoples, and subsequently provided highly original information on these peoples, among them the not yet converted nomadic Oghuz and the newly converted Volga Bulghars. Ibn Fadlān makes note of (genuine and non-genuine) Turkic words such as qtlawus ... (MS erroneously ...) "guide (corresponding to Arabic dalīt)"; bir ... "one"; tengri ... "God"; hading ... (Old Uyghur qadiy, Turkish kayırı) "birch"; yabyu ... here: "title of the ruler of the Oghuz"; haqan ...- here: "title of the king of the Khazars,"34 and süéü "wine" (see below), but-rather surprisingly-does not mention (fermented) horse milk at all. When describing Oghuz burial customs, which involve horse sacrifice and eating the flesh of the sacrificed horses, Ibn Fadlān mentions an alcoholic beverage as part of the ritual (using the generic Arabic word nabid), which is kept in a wooden container and drunk from a wooden cup (no. 5).
(5) The Turks dig a large ditch, in the shape of a chamber for their dead. They fetch the deceased, clothe him in his tunic and girdle, and give him his bow. They put a wooden cupfilled with alcohol [qadah min haśabfilii nabiti] in his hand and place a wooden vessel fi alcohol [inā· min haśabfihi nabiti] in firont fihim. They bring all his wealth and lay it beside him, in the chamber. They put him in a sitting position and then build the roof. On top (of the chamber) they construct what looks like a yurt made of clay. [Note this description of the raising of a tumulus or kurgan!]. Horses are fetched, depending on how many he owned. They can slaughter any number of horses, from a single horse up to a hundred or two hundred. They eat the horse meat, except for the head, legs, hide, and tail, which they nail to pieces of wood, saying, "(These are) his horses that he rides to the Garden [al-janna, the otherworld]." If he has shown great bravery and killed someone, they carve wooden images, as many as the men he has killed, place them on top of his grave, and say, "(These are) his retainers who serve him in the Garden." Sometimes they do not kill the horses for a day or two. Then an elder will exhort them: .... (Ibn Fadlān, Risāla)35
Renata Holod and Yuriy Rassamakin (2012) have reported on the grave goods found in the burial mound (tumulus or kurgan) of a (Kipchak) Turkic prince, in the Black Sea Steppe, datable to the early 13th century (300 years after Ibn Fadlān). The grave goods include five sacrificial horses and reused amphorae. Since it was determined that the sediment normally found in wine amphorae was absent, the authors have proposed-but not yet confirmed- that the amphorae may have held a different liquid, possibly kumis.36 So, Ibn Fadlān's nahīd here may refer to fermented mare's milk as earlier translators- but not James Montgomery in 2017-have suggested. Still, one would have expected Ibn Fadlān to elaborate on this presumably interesting detail.
Ibn Fadlān is more explicit in his description of the alcoholic beverage he is served after a roasted meat (lahm mašwt) dinner in the tent of the king of the Bulghars (usually referred to as "king of the Şaq&acaron;liba"), further north of the Oghuz-even providing a Turkic name for it: The Bulghar king drinks a cupful (qadah) of "honey drink" (šarah al-casat) which "they (i.e. the Bulghars) call sücü" (hum yusammūnahū al-shju).37 This is a very early-maybe the earliest- reference for the widespread historical Turkic word for "(sweet) wine" (sücü is the Bulghar and Oghuz cognate of Old Uyghur sücüg, see the Old Uyghur word list above). It was commonly used in 14th-15th century Old Anatolian Turkish texts as sūci and süeti "wine"; both variants stici/sticti "wine" were still recorded in 20th century Anatolian dialects from the Aegean region.38
Thomas T. Alisen, in his excellent study Notes on Alcohol in Pre-Russian Siberia (2018), mentions two Central Asian historical sources from the late 10th and early 12th centuries, in Persian and Arabic, as evidence for the consumption of kumis as an essential component of the nomadic Kimek's subsistence strategy.39 However, the word qtmiz is not used in either account; the earlier one, i.e., the late 10th century Persian geography work Hudtid al-'ālam, does not even mention horses or horse milk. Hudtid al- 'alam originates from what is today northern Afghanistan. It was apparently based on earlier travel reports and geographical works rather than personal observation. The author quotes the information below on Kimek Country (nähiyat-i Kīmāk) in the western Siberian steppe (no. 6). Only when read together with the corresponding passages in Gardīzī's Persian history (around 1050), which has the earliest recorded instance of the word qtmiz (no. 7), and ?āhir Marvazī's later Arabic work (no. 8), can we assume that sir "milk" in Hudtid al-'alam refers to "(fermented) horse milk." ?āhir Marvazī, in the part devoted to China, Turks, and India of his early 12th century Arabic work Kitab ţabâ'i' al-hayawän, "The Nature of Animals," certainly refers to fermented mare's milk when he says Arabic laban arrimāk, "mare's milk," although the word qtmiz is not mentioned.
(6) Kimek Country (nāhiyat-i Kīmāk)... Its people live in felt yurts ļhaigāliļ and both in summer and winter wander along the grazing-grounds, waters and meadows (maryzar). Their commodities are sable (samūr) and sheep. Their food in summer is milk [sir], and in winter meat jerky (gust-i qadid) (Hudūd al-'ālam, Persian, late 10 th century)40
(7) ... the river Irtysh passes by there. It flows down into the tents (bayma) of the Kimek (Kimyabiyan) ... They live in the woods (bisa), in the valleys (dara), and in the forests (sahra). They all possess cattle (gāw) and sheep. They don't have mules (astar). If a merchant brings a mule there, it does not last for a year, because the mule will die from the herbs it eats. They also don't have salt, of course, and if someone gives them a maund (man) of salt, he gets sable fur (pūst-i samūr) (in return). Their food in summer is horse milk (şir-i asb). They call it qimiz (yji). In winter they make meat jerky (qadid); each of them, as much as he has, from sheep meat, horse meat, and beef. (Gardīzī, Zayn al-ahbār, Persian, around 1050)41
(8) ... the Kimek (Kīmāk) ...a people without villages or houses, who possess forests, woods, water, and pastures [kālā'}; they have cattle [baqar} and sheep in plenty, but no camels, ... They also have no salt, sometimes a merchant brings salt to them, then they buy a maund [manāļ of salt from him (in exchange) for furs ţfanv} and sables [samūrļ. Their food in summer is mare's milk [laban ar-rimāk], and in winter jerked meat [al-luhūm al-muqaddada\. (?āhir Marvazī, Kitāb ţab&acaron;T al-hayawän, Arabic, early 12th century)42
Another major source that is often assumed to contain the word qtmtz- but does not-is the The Secret History if the Mongols (13 th century), the earliest and most important literary monument of the Mongol-speaking people, written in Middle Mongol with Chinese characters. This notion might have been reinforced by the fact that some modern translations-including Igor de Rachlewitz's authoritative English translation-use the word "kumis" in the passages that refer to fermented mare's milk. I have checked all instances of kumis, comparing Igor de Rachewiltz's English translation (2015) with Ernst Haenisch's text edition (1937), glossary (1939), and German translation (1948). The word that is exclusively used for "fermented mare's milk" in the text (about five times) is Middle Mongol estig.43 Haenisch (1937) has translated estig as "Pferdemilch, Stutenmilch" (horse milk, mare's milk) which is in a way less misleading than the translation "kumis" but does not take into account that estig literally means "fermented, soured." Francis Woodman Cleaves (1982) has translated estig as "mare's milch (!)" and "sour milch (!)."44 Middle Mongol estig is a regularly derived form from the Common Mongolic verbal base ·«"to ferment (intr.), turn sour," attested in Written (Literary) Mongol is- idem (Lessing also quotes isügsen sün "milk which has turned sour"), Khalkha is-/ es-, and other modern Mongol languages. A Khalkha dictionary lists the following historical and modern forms for "fermented horse milk" as synonyms: öscg (obsolete) ~ eseg (obsolete; also used as an adjective: eseg undaa "a soured or fermented drink") ~ airog.45
However, the impression that the medieval Mongols used the word qtmtz for "fermented mare's milk" is certainly mostly owed to William of Rubruck's invaluable Latin travel account. Willem van Ruysbroeck (d. around 1270), a Flemish Franciscan monk, undertook a personal mission to the Mongol capital of Karakorum on the Orkhon River to promote the Mongol's conversion to Christianity. In the early 1250s he passed through the Kipchak Steppes- the northwestern part of the Mongol Empire a.k.a. the state of the Golden Horde-starting out in the grasslands of southern Ukraine. That is probably where Rubruck was first acquainted with the product and the name qtmtz- through Kipchak Turkic speakers. He also uses Turkic names for two other dairy products: "grut" (gurut), "dried curd,"46 said to be made "from cow's milk" and consumed in the winter "when they are short of milk"; and "airam" (ayran), also made "from cow's milk" and tasting "extremely sour." Rubruck gives a detailed description of the preparation, fermentation process and taste of "cornos-namely, mare's milk" (gimiz) which "stings the tongue like rape wine," and the superior "caracomos-that is, black cornos" (gara qimiz).'7 On the other hand, Mongolist Christopher P. Atwood confirmed (personal communication, September 13, 2023) that he has never encountered the word qimiz used in a historical Mongolian text. In addition to Middle Mongolian estig, the Mongol words čege'., modern tsege'. (in classical Mongolian and most modern Mongolic dialects), and ayiray, modern airag (in Khalkha dialect) are used for fermented mare's milk.48
Similarly, Chinese sources49 never give phonetic transcriptions of the Turkic word qimiz, but they use various Chinese words-some of them going back to the 2nd century BCE. Paul D. Buell and E. N. Anderson have stated that "[Kumis] was extremely popular in North, especially North-west China from Wei through Tang [around 400 BCE to 900 СЕ]. Countless poems refer to it, and Chinese from the Yangtse valley were fond of teasing Northerners about this 'barbarian' custom."50 Chinese words that were used for fermented mare's (or cow's) milk are: ... donglao "fermented mare's milk," lit. milk-kumis (see above); ... lao "sour milk, curds, kumis (from mare's or cow's milk)" (see above); ... "clear kumis; clarified butter"; ... ma naizi, or just ... ma nai, both lit. horse milk, ... tai manai, "black horse milk"; or ... ma ru lit. horse milk-the first three have been described as borrowed Xiongnu words by Pulleyblank 1962 (see fn 11, above).51 In contrast, the Middle Mongol word ayiray (modern atrag) "fermented mare's milk" is actually first attested in phonetic transcriptions in two Mongol-era Chinese sources from the 14th century, in both cases glossed and explained as "camel's milk." Hu Sihui, a court nutritionist of the Chinese Mongol Empire and supposedly of Turkic linguistic background, mentions in his illustrated dietary manual and cookbook Yinshan zhengyao among the foods in the "camel" category: "Camel's Milk ... tuo ru, (Commonly called aila [i.e. ayiraqp is warming by nature and sweetish in flavor. It supplements the center and augments qi. It strengthens joint and bone. It renders a person free from hunger."53 The same dietetic source says, "Mare's Milk ... ma ru is chilling by nature and sweetish in flavor. It controls thirst and regulates heat. There are three grades: (one kind is called Chigeen
(Atwood corrected Buells Mongolian reconstruction to: śinggen, i.e. smooth liquid), one is called Qongqor (Atwood: qongyor, i.e. yellow-bay colored), and one is called ·Caqaan (Atwood: congur, i.e., lumpy). Chige'en (recte: Singgen) is considered the best.54 A different, technical Chinese transcription for Mongol ayiray is found in the Huayi yiyu, the Sino-Barbarian Glossaries: ... li ayiraq, again with the gloss camels milk.55 Apparently, over the centuries and across the Transeurasian steppes including Mongolia and China, there was neither a clearly defined product fermented horse milk, nor just one name for it. Instead there were many terms or ad hoc nomenclature for (fermented) dairy drinks, in Chinese, Mongolic, Sogdian, and Turkic. Semantic fluidity and overlap between fermented dairy drinks like fermented horse or camels milk; sour milk, buttermilk, yogurt (from a cow, sheep, or horse) is commonly observed.56 The Turkic word qtmtz is explicitly defined as fermented horse milk by Mahmud al-K&acaron;syarî in the second half of the 11th century, when it starts to appear in written sources. Similar to Mong, estig (something) fermented, a fermented (drink), fermented (horse milk), Turkic might have had another descriptive designation prior to the usage of qtmtz, like lit. sour milk" or "(sour) horse milk," or just "horse milk."
Hitherto proposed Turkic etymologies for the word qimiz
Earlier attempts at explaining qimiz as an inherited Turkic word have traditionally split it up into a hypothetical verbal stem ·qtm- and a suffix -iz. A deverbal nominal suffix -(X)z does exist in Old Turkic. It is "added to both transitive and, more commonly intransitive bases and denotes the object of the verb in the first case but its subject in the second."57 However, a verbal stem ·qtm- is not attested in any historical or modern Turkic language.58 In the absence of an attested verbal stem ·qim-, the Turkic verbal form qimilda- has been proposed as potentially sharing a verbal base with qimiz. Turkish ktmtldameans "to move (restlessly) (intr.), fidget," and is etymologically not related to qimiz. It is derived from the nominal expressive (or onomatopoeic) element kımıl which describes a "slight, restless movement" and is an extension of the nominal expressive element ·kim. Turkish has numerous word groups of this formation: a basic monosyllabic sound element that is rarely used by itself, describing a sound or a movement (güm ~ ·güp "bang"; pat "boom"; ·gür "rumble") is turned into an adverb a) by reduplicating it (güm güm; pat pat; gür gür), or b) by extending it through the addition of the syllable /11/ ~ /Ir/ before reduplicating it (gümbür gümbür ~ güpür güpür; patır patır; gürül gürül). The simple (gür), or more often the extended sound element (gümbür), can be turned into a verb by adding the regular denominal verbal suffixes {+dA-}, {+1A-}, or {+A-} (gümbürde-; patla-, patırda-; gürle-). The extended sound element can be turned into a noun by adding the deverbal nominal suffix {-DI} which is an irregular development of Old Turkic {-Indi}59 (gümbürtü; patırtı; gürültü). Turkish kımılda- belongs to the same paradigm and has many cognates (with the phonetic m ~ p/b and r ~ / variation) in historical and modern Turkic languages, based on the extension ·qtmtr ~ ·qtptr ~ qtmil of the expressive nomi nal element ·qim ~ ·qtp, all pertaining to "a sort of continuous (often slow or slight) movement": Old Uyghur qimra- (< ·qtmtr+a-) "to move slowly" and ktmtrasur "moving, exciting"; Anatolian dialects gımra-/gımraş-/kımraş- and ktmran-; OAT qimirti > Turkish kımıltı ~ kıpırtı, Azeri qimilti; Turkish kımıl kımıl; Turkish kımılda(n)- ~ ktpırda(n)- (< kımıl/· ktptr+da-); Azeri qtmtldan-; Türkmen gymylda-; Bashkir qimtlda- ~ qthtrla- (<·qtptr+la-); Kyrghyz krymildatkič (< qimil+da-t-) "engine, motor (what sets sth. in motion)."60 As for qimiz, apart from the vague semantic connection between kumis and "moving restlessly (intrans.)," a deverbal nominal suffix such as {-Iz} cannot be added to an expressive nominal base ·qtm.
Unable to establish an internal Turkic etymology for qimiz, and disregarding the possibility that qimiz might be a loanword into Turkic, scholars have linked it to potential "cognates" in the Altaic or Transeurasian languages.61 The Etymolcgical Dictionary tj the Altaic Languages = EDAL (2003) has even provided Turkic qimiz with a reconstructed "Proto Turkic" form ·qumtr, apparently based on (Western Mongolic) Kalmyk kimr (see below).62 Qimiz (with minor regular phonological variations) is attested in all groups of the modern Turkic languages. Some of these may be inner-Turkic loans, which is definitely the case for the non-common Turkic Chuvash form. The meanings "fermented mare's (sometimes camel's) milk (or other fermented or non-fermented dairy drinks)," as well as "sour" (in Azerbaijani and Tatar dialects), and "sorrel (Rumex acetosa)" (in Tatar dialects) have been attested in the 20th century. (Oghur Turkic) Chuvash qtmts <камас> is not a regular cognate of common Turkic qimiz, that is, it is not an inherited word, but apparently a loan from a (Kipchak) Turkic contact language. Since Chuvash is a r-language-as opposed to Common Turkic, i.e. the rest of the Turkic languages, which are z-languages-the regular Chuvash cognate would have been ·qtmtr. In early 20th century Western Mongolic Kalmyk, kimr "kumis diluted with water" and kimra'.n "boiled cow's milk diluted with water" are attested (both with ki- and not qt- among five Kalmyk words for "kumis" or other "dairy beverages (fermented or not)."63 The Kalmyk word kimr has apparently served as the basis for EDAL's "Proto Turkic" reconstruction (fqumtr), suggesting an often observed Common Turkic ~ Oghur Turkic ~ Mongolic sound correspondence z ~ r ~ r, as in (assumed) qtmtz ~ ·qtmtr ~ kimr. Kimr is only attested in modern Kalmyk, but Written Mongolian kirma and kiram (Khalkha hyaram <хярам>) "boiled milk diluted with water" are apparently metathetic variants of this word.64 Parallels of Kalmyk kimra'.n are attested as qtmran/qtmtran in mid-15th century Old Anatolian Turkish, in modern Kazakh, Kyrghyz, and Tuvan. Semih Tezcan (2001) has shown that Yazicioylu 'All's History if the Anatolian Sejuks is the only known historical source in Old Anatolian Turkish/Ottoman in which qtmran is attested. From the Old Anatolian Turkish passages it can only be deduced that qtmran is a sort of dairy beverage, though the exact meaning is unclear.65 In modern dictionaries, Kazakh qtmran ~ qtmtran is glossed as "boiled cow's milk diluted with water" and "fermented camel's milk"; Kyrghyz qtmran ~ qtmtran "boiled yogurt or milk diluted with water"; Tuvan htmtra'.n "thin or watery milk tea (brewed with tea leaves of lower quality, pressed in a block)."66 The basic meaning of qtmran ~ qtmtran in the modern languages is apparently "a dairy beverage (milk, yogurt, kumis), diluted with water." Its base and formation is obscure. Mongolist Christopher Atwood pointed out that Kalmyk kimr is a highly reduced form, and that it cannot be the base of Turkic qtmran. Instead, Kalmyk kimr most likely goes back to Turkic qtmran: Turkic qtmran -> Mong, kimran (attested in Kalmyk; in Mongolian analyzed with an unstable n stem as kimralnf > Mong. ·kimra (indirectly attested in the metathetic variant Written Mongolian kirma)67 > Kalmyk kimr (reduced from ·kimra). I agree with Doerfer, Tezcan and Atwood in that Kalmyk kimr/kimran and Turkic qtmran are not related to qtmtz.6S
11th century Karakhanid Turkic data on qtmtz and qor (Qutadyu Bilig and Mahmud al-K&acaron;syarî)
After Gardīzī's Persian history, 1050, the first inner-Turkic attestation of the word qtmtz comes from the Qutacbiu Bilig (lit. Wisdom that provides royal glory or fortune), written in 1069-70 by YÛsuf H&acaron;şş Hājib from Balasagun. The Qutadfu Bilig is a rhymed mirror for princes, that combines Turkic Inner Asian and Arabo-Persian Islamic wisdom traditions. Robert Dankoff has suggested that it might be based on a direct Persian model due to the large number of Persian caiques.69 Qtmtz is mentioned next to süt, "milk," in an enumeration of beneficial products that cattle breeders (igdisciler), "the masters of all livestock (ytlqt)," provide for the people (no. 9). Naturally, there is no definition of qtmtz, or any indication what animal the milk (stir) or the "dried curd" (gurut) came from-Kasyari mentions qurut from sheep milk,70 Rubruck from cow's milk (see above). Neither does it indicate if the milk was consumed raw (which is not likely) or rather in a processed form. (Note that the MS. Fergana of Qutadsu Bilig, copied no earlier than the 13th century, clearly shows the spelling QYMYZ qtmtz. Kasyari's Diwan Luyat at-Tiirk, copied in 1266, spells it with vowel marks ... QMZ qtmtz. Later sources usually spell ... QMYZ q-mtz). Qutadsu Bilig also records the word qor, "ferment, leaven," i.e. the starter cultures of kumis and yogurt (see Kasyari below), although in a metaphorical sense, in a passage that introduces a Turkish proverb (tiirkce meşei) (no. 10).
(9) (Turkic text): qtmtz süt ya yüng yay ya yoyrut qurut 11 yadım ya kidiz hem azar erge tut (English translation): "Qtmtz, milk (sür), wool, and butter (уяу), yogurt (yoyrut) and dried curd (qurut) || also carpets and felts-take a little of each for your home." (Qutadyu Bitig, Chapter 59; MS. Fergana, fol. 161a)71
(10) (Turkic text): nigu tér eśitgil sinamišqari 11 sinamišqanlar sözi söz qort
(English translation): "Listen (to what) the experienced ancients say || The sayings (söz) of the experienced ancients are the leaven of words (söz qort)," i.e., when sayings (proverbs) are added to speech (like the starter culture, qor, to milk), they make words superior (just as qor turns milk into kumis) (Qutadyu Bitig, Chapter 16)72
As is often the case, we owe the most comprehensive inner-Turkic information on qtmtz to Mahmud al-Kāšyarī. In his indispensable Compendium if the Turkic Dialects (Diwan Luyät at-Türk, completed in 469/1077) Kasyari refers to "kumis" (using the Turkic words qtmtz, süt, and the Arabic gloss āmis), and its fermentation process in four separate entries (no. 11, no. 12, no. 13, no. 14). I am referencing the complete Arabic entries here to demonstrate what Arabic vocabulary Kasyari employed to gloss qtmtz (i.e. Arabic āmis) and describe the fermentation process for his Arabic speaking readers. Since qtmtz would have been a foreign cultural item for Arabic speakers, it is improbable that Arabic āmis was an exact equivalent for qtmtz, but rather shared some characteristics with it. Kasyari had probably studied Arabic within the framework of a classical medieval Islamic education, including Koranic studies, hadith studies, theology, Arabic grammar, etc. However, since the territory of the Karakhanid state had been part of the Persianate cultural world for centuries, Kasyari had certainly had more direct contact with Persian speakers. When translating Turkic phrases into Arabic, Kasyari could hardly have relied on bilingual dictionaries since Persian-Arabic lexicography started only around the same time when Kasyari was active.73 Arabic-Turkic and Persian-Turkic lexicography did not start before the 14th century. However, monolingual Arabic lexicographical sources did exist since the 8th century. The earliest ones are from the Eastern Islamic world, including Iraq, Khorasan and Transoxania. Scholars of ArabicPersian, Persian, and also Turkic (al-Jawhari, d. c. 1010) descent played an important role in early Arabic lexicography. In fact, Kasyari mentions the early Arabic dictionary Kitab al-'Ayn (completed around 800 by al-Layt from Khorasan) in his preface (DET, 1:71, fol. 4-5).
(11) ...
(Text): qimiz al-'âmiş wahwa lahana r-rimāk yuhqanufî awţābin iumma yuhammadu Jayuśrab qimiz almila huwa at-Ujfāhu l-hāmidu yušbihu bi-l-'amiş (DLT, facsimile, fol. 184) (English translation): "[Turkic] Quniz is [Arabic] āmis, that is, mares' milk (laban arrimāk) which is poured into skins (awţāb), then it is fermented (yuhammaď) and drunk. [Turkic] qimiz almila : That is the sour (hāmid) apple that resembles āmis." (12) [...] 3İ3·"1 13i 4L4' 35s1 stLI [***]
(Text): ttyraq er ar-rcjulu l-jald wa-qāla
oyraq eri tiyraq yėmi anty oylaq
süti iize sayraq yéri taqi aylaq
paqülu bi-'anna qabīla[ta] (MS err. qatila) uyräqjilädun (MS err. jalādun) wa-ţa'āmuhumu 1-jidā'u wa-l-qa'bu abadan mawdū'un 'alā âmişihim wa-ma'a dālik arduhum qcfr (MS err. qtfr)paşJuhum bi-1-jūdi wa-ś-ś<Ja'ati (DLT, facsimile, fol. 235-236)
(English translation): "tiyraq er is a sturdy man. They have said: [Vers:] oyraq eri... taqi aylaq. They say, that the tribe of Oyraq are sturdy | their food is kid (i.e., young goat meat) | their cups (да 'b) are always filled with kumis (ami's)74 | though their land is bare withal. They describe them as generous and brave."
Note that Dankoff and Kelly's English translation is based on Mahmūd al-Kāšyarī's Arabic rendering of the Turkic verse; a more literal translation of the Turkic would be:
The Oyraq men are tough their food is kid (young goat meat)
their cups are (filled) with milk (süt) and/but their land is isolated
(13) ...
(Arabic text): wa-puqālu qtmtz qorlandt яу kamuda l-'âmişu min hamīrin kānafīhi wa-kadālika r-rā'ibu idā haţura qorlanur qorlanmaq (DLT, facsimile, fol. 531)
(English translation): "They say: qtmtz qorlandt, that means, the kumis (āmis) is fermented/has turned sour (kamuda1) through a ferment/starter culture (kamir) that was in it. The same for yogurt (rā'ib) when it thickens (katura). qorlanur qorlanmaq [it ferments, to ferment]."
(14) ...
(Arabic text): qor huwa hamīru r-rā'ibi wahwa şub&acaron;batun mina r-rā'ibi l-mudriki 'awi l-'āmi şi al-hāmidi yabqâ (MS err. y a by ä) · a.fala l-'inā'i ţumma yuşabbu 'alayhâ l-halību hattâ yuhaţţara r-rā'ibu wa-yuhammada l-'āmişu (DLT, facsimile, fol. 496)
(English translation): "[Turkic] Qor is the ferment of yogurt (hamīr ar-rā'ib). It is the remainder of ripened (i.e. thick) yogurt (ar-rā'ib al-mudrik) or of sour kumis (al-āmiş al-hāmid) which remains at the bottom of the container; then, (fresh) milk (halib) is poured over it so that the yogurt (rā'ib) will solidify (yuhattar), or the kumis (āmis) will become sour/ferment (yuhammad)."
The Turkic word K&acaron;syarî uses for the process of dairy fermentation is qorlan-, Qorlan-, "fermenting" describes both the "turning sour" (Ar. hamuda) of kumis; as well as the "thickening or solidification" (Ar. haţura, jaluza) of yogurt: qtmtz qorlandt "the kumis has fermented" (no. 13), and yovrut qorlandt "the yogurt has fermented" (DLT, 2: fol. 391). For the thickening and solidification of yogurt, the following Karakhanid Turkic phrases are also used: yoyrut udišti [lit. the yogurt fell asleep], Ar. tarawwaba l-labanu wa-hatara "the milk (laban) thickened and solidified (i.e., turned into yogurt)" (DLT, 1: fol. 100) and olyovrut udtttt [lit. he put yogurt to sleep], "he let the yogurt (rā'ib) thicken (rawwaba)" (DLT, 1: fol. 112);75 and yovrut qoyuldt "the yogurt (rā'ib) solidified (haţura)" (DLT, 2: fol. 528). The Turkic word yovrut certainly shares a verbal base with Old Turkic yojun "thick, compact, dense," and the original literal meaning of yojrut must have been "thickened, solidified."76 The nominal base of qorlan- is qor, "ferment, fermenting agent, leaven, yeast" (used metaphorically in Qutadyu Bilig, no. 10). In biochemical terms qor is the microbial starter culture which includes yeasts as well as different lactic acid bacteria. The bacteria acidify the milk by converting the milk sugar to lactic acid; the yeasts turn it into a carbonated and mildly alcoholic drink, i.e., kumis. Kasyari describes how a remainder of each batch of the starter cultures (Tu. qor ~ Ar. hamir) is saved "at the bottom of the container" to be inoculated into the "fresh milk that is poured over it." Erdal (2009) has shown that the word qor is copied from a Middle Iranian reflex of Old Iranian hurā "mare's milk wine" (most probably from a non-attested Sogdian form which can be reconstructed as ·hwr; or from Middle Persian Pahlavi hur "an alcoholic drink; (doubtful meaning:) kumis," and Manichaean Middle Persian hwr Ihurl "an intoxicating drink"77; cf. Khotanese hura "mare's milk")-including a semantic shift from Iranian "(fermented) mare's milk, kumis" to Turkic "fermenting agent (that produces kumis)." Cognates of Old Turkic (<- Middle Iranian) qor can still be found in modern Turkic languages of the South Siberian, Kipchak, and Oghuz branch: Khakas horduj "leaven, ferment, yeast, starter culture" (sibabaanpozanuj tilbinde horduj halca "at the bottom of the unsmoked bottle horduj (i.e. the starter culture) remains"; ayranya horduj kirek "ayran (i.e. fermented cow's milk in Khakas) needs a starter culture"; un acitcaj horduj (lit., yeast that sours flour) "sourdough starter"; htmts hordii "starter culture for kumis"78; and Bashkir qur "yeast." Turkish, on the other hand, has adopted Pe. mâya for "ferment, leaven, yeast," and uses hamur (<- Arabic hamtr "dough, leaven") in the meaning "dough." Azeri and Turkmen use an Arabic-Persian combination xdmirmaya, hamyrmaýa "yeast." Thus, we observe busy loan traffic-including some semantic shifts-in the fermentation vocabulary, as well as multiple words for "yeast" in some modern Turkic languages, including copied and indigenous ones. The indigenous ones are based on Turkic actt-/actt- "to make sour" (e.g. Azeri acıtma, maya, xdmirmaya, or Uzbek achitqi, xamirturush, etc.).
Kasyari does not use derivatives of the Common Turkic root act- "to be sour" for products that turned sour through fermentation-except for vinegar (oZ sirke acıttı "he soured (hammadd) the vinegar").79 The adjective octy "sour" (Ar. hāmid) comes as a qualifier for grapes (üzüm), quinces (avya),80 and apples (almila'). The phrase acty almila (Ar. at-Uffāh al-hāmid) "sour apple" is used in a Turkic proverb: atası anası acty almila yėse oylt qizi tısı qamar "when the father or mother eats a sour apple, the teeth of the son or daughter will be set on edge." Crucially for my argumentation, Kasyari also records qtmtz almila (Ar. at-Uffāh al-hāmid, no. 11)-apparently, a secondary expression for "sour apple," since the proverbial usage aery almila can be assumed to be more authentic and older. Nevertheless, the basic meaning of qtmtz was apparently perceived as "sour, acidic" in Old Turkic. Some modern Turkic languages still preserve reflexes of the meaning qtmtz "sour": Azeri dialects qtmtz "sour" (Bu cörax' laf qimizdi "This bread was very sour");81 Tatar dialects qtmtz "sour"; Anatolian dialects himzi-Amzi- (< ·qtmtz+t-, lit. to become sour) "(for food) to become spoiled or rancid, and taste sour, bitter, or fermented" ;82 as well as Tatar dialects qtmtz, Kyrghyz kımız, Kazakh qimizdiq, Khakas hımızah "sorrel (Rumex acetosa, German 'Sauerampfer' - a plant with a distinct sharp, sour taste)."83
Mahmud al-Kāšyarī glosses Turkic qtmiz with Arabic āmis. He describes it as "mare's milk" (Ar. laban ar-rimāk), which is poured into skin bags in order to "turn sour/ferment" (Ar. kamuda) before it is drunk (no. 11 and no. 13). He also uses Arabic āmis-denoting "kumis"-in two entries where he does not mention kumis in the Turkic portion at all (no. 12 and no. 14). The authentic Karakhanid Turkic quatrain describing the bravery of the men of the Oyraq tribe (no. 12) is especially interesting: It almost sounds like a literary trope describing the harsh living conditions of pastoral nomads: "Their food is kid (young goat meat), they constantly drink milk (süt), and they live in a lonesome place." It reminds us of the passages about the Kimek that we have seen in Persian and Arabic geographical and historical works from the 10th through 12th centuries (see no. 6, no. 7, no. 8). The Karakhanid quatrain does not specify qtmiz, but just contains the word süt, "milk." This may be due to poetic constraints concerning the number of syllables and syntactic parallelism (sėmi, süti, yėrt) in the lines. Nevertheless, Kasyari translates süt directly with āmis which is his (personal) Arabic equivalent for kumis. Maybe we can conclude from this that süt "milk" in the context of the pastoral-nomadic life primarily meant "horse milk," and specifically "fermented horse milk" to Turkic speakers (note, however, the Qutadyu Bilig quote, no. 9, where qtmiz and süt are used side by side, and cannot be identical).
What is the relationship between Turkic qtmiz, Arabic âmiş/'âmîş, and Middle Persian hāmīz?
Erdal has proposed that Ar. hāmid "sour, acidic" is the (indirect) etymon of Turkic qtmiz "fermented mare's milk; sour," with the intermediary Pe. qamizi Arabic hāmid -» New Persian qamiz (?) -» Old Turkic qtmiz.84 However, a Persian word ·qamîz is not definitively attested in Persian lexicography. As Doerfer has shown, Vullers's 1864 lexicon entry Persian qamtz "poculum [i.e., a drinking cup]" is based on an erroneous text interpretation: the phrase may ba-q-mlz (from Abū l-Ma'ānī, i.e. Bīdil (Bēdil), d. 1721, an Indo-Persian poet of Turkic descent) is not to be understood as "wine in a cup" but rather as "wine along with kumis." Consequently, ... in this quote means "kumis" and is a loan from Turkic qtmtz.8S Similarly, Dihkhuda's two mentions of ... both refer to Turkic qtmtz "fermented mare's milk": The entry ... q-mtz (the first vowel is not defined) is glossed as "a sort of sour milk (māsi) prepared among the Mongols" (Dihkhuda cites a 16th century quote from Habîb al-siyar by the Timurid historian Khvāndamīr: "Qaydu Khan [a grandson of the Mongol qaghan Ogedei] never consumed wine (sarāb), kumis (1-miz), or salt").86 In the entry hāmīz "a pickled dish, etc." (see more below), Dihkhuda cites qamtz (this time vocalized)-apparently again referring to Turkic "kumis,"-as one possible meaning of the headword. Unfortunately, there is no quote accompanying Dihkhuda's claim that Persian hāmīz can also refer to (Turkic) "kumis, fermented mare's milk."87
A variant of Erdal's etymology has been put forward by Sevan Nişanyan- albeit without an Iranian intermediary. Nişanyan moved the Semitic etymon of Turkic qtmtz chronologically further back from Arabic hāmid to a (presumably) "Aramaic/Syriac" cognate "xâmeş ..." [or h&acaron;meş < root hmşY® "leavened bread, fermented drink," suggesting an (invalid) direct transfer Aramaic/Syriac -» Old Turkic qtmiz.89 Nişanyan accurately cites Ar. hāmid "sour, acidic" and (modern) Hebrew "xametz умп," chametz (foods with leavening agents that are forbidden on the Jewish holiday of Passover)-both belonging to the same Proto-Semitic root ·hmş "sour"-as being related to qtmiz. Both Erdal's and Nişanyan's proposals are partially correct. I agree with Nişanyan that the ultimate origin of Turkic qtmiz is not Arabic hāmid, but a more distant Semitic form (most probably, Biblical Hebrew hāmē$y I agree with Erdal that an Iranian intermediary (i.e., Middle Persian hāmīz "a pickled meat dish, etc.") is the immediate source of Turkic qtmiz.90 The form cited by Nişanyan as "Aramaic/Syriac умп" is actually not an Aramaic/Syriac but a Biblical Hebrew form.91 Hebrew and Syriac exchanged several Semitic roots, especially through various translations of the Hebrew Bible into Aramaic, Syriac, known as the Targumim (1st - 13th centuries CE).92 Two variants of the Proto-Semitic root ·hmş "sour, fermented" are attested in Syriac, 1) the inherited regular Syriac root h-m-c,93 and 2) the irregular Syriac root h-m-ş (borrowed most likely from Hebrew). Additionally, Syriac has the related word āmşā "sour food," which also must be a loanword of some sort (either innerSemitic, or via a non-Semitic intermediary) because it is neither derived from the regular Syriac root h-m-' nor the irregular (borrowed) Syriac root h-m-ş.94
As we have seen, K&acaron;syarî confirms the basic meaning "sour" for Turkic qtmtz "fermented mare's milk." He glosses it with the Arabic word ātniş. Arab philologists and lexicographers (often of a multi-ethnic background) from the late 8th century onwards have registered this word in the variants ... āmis, ... āmis, ... āmis, and ... 'āmis. The earliest Arabic dictionary Kitab al-cayn, which K&acaron;syarî references in his preface and which was completed by alLayţb. al-Muzaffar from Khorasan around 800, notes that āmis is not derived from a regular Arabic root, i.e., it is not an Arabic word, but the arabicized form of (Middle) Persian hāmīz. The definitions of cāmīs ~ hāmīz in the Arabic dictionaries include various food items like "a dish made of calf meat in its skin (bi-jiUihiy' (al-Layt from Khorasan, c. 800); "jelly, gelatin (hulām)" (Ibn al-A'rābī from Irak, d. 846); "meat cut in thin slices and eaten raw, or maybe lightly grilled" (al-Azharī from Herat, d. 980); "a dish made of calf meat in its skin," and "broth/gravy (maraq) from meat cooked in vinegar (sikbcj), ..." (alFīrūzābādī from Iran, d. 817/1415).95None of these definitions-which can be summed up as "a sort of vinegar stew" or "(raw) meat dressed in vinegar," or "the strained broth of this vinegar stew"-includes "fermented mare's milk," or any "fermented dairy beverage." However, the unifying idea is "soured, fermented (food or liquid)," which, in my view, is the basic meaning of the Middle Persian word hāmīz.96 Daniel Newman, a specialist in the culinary history of the Arab world, confirmed for me that he has not come across the word āmis in any of the surviving ten Arabic cookery books from the 13th through 15th centuries (mostly from the western Islamic world).97 Apparently the food term Ar. āmis ~ Middle Persian ... hāmīz was only regionally known in the eastern Islamic world and (Persianate) Central Asia.
I argue that Middle Persian ... hāmīz-according to the medieval Central Asian lexicographers, the basis of Arabic 'āmis-itself is not an Iranian word, but a (direct or indirect) copy of Hebrew h&acaron;meş "leavened, soured."98 The Middle Persian food term hāmīz is attested in Hus raw ud Rēdag, a Pahlavi treatise of the wisdom-literature genre, where it is (vaguely) described as "pickled meat, a type of cfsard [cold meat dish] served as an appetizer."99 The various (elaborate) definitions for hāmīz known today are all based on later Arabic lexicographical works. The often-cited Iranian folk etymology for hāmīz < ·hām-āmīz 'being mixed raw' (?) is no longer supported by Iranists.100 Scholars have previously proposed that Middle Persian hāmīz is also the basis of Syriac āmsā "sour food." Whereas Claudia A. Ciancaglini (2008) has proposed to connect Syriac āmsā with Indian āmis á- "flesh; raw meat, fish etc.," Leonid Kogan has "tentatively suggest [ed] that the Iranian forms, formally and semantically, could have been influenced by, or contaminated with the Semitic root hmş to be sour (especially of meats), ..."101 I believe that the "Semitic influence" on Iranian hāmīz goes beyond semantic contamination. In fact, Middle Persian hāmīz as a whole is a copy of Hebrew hāmēs "sour, acidic, fermented" (potentially via an (unattested) Aramaic and/or Syriac intermediary). In the Middle Persian script (which derives from the Imperial Aramaic alphabet of the Achaemenid empire) hāmīz is actually spelled <h'myc> [·hāmīcļ, where <h> corresponds to Semitic /h/ (and represents both Iranian sounds /h/ and /h/) and <c> corresponds to Semitic /ş/ (representing an historical Iranian I'Ll sound which turned into /z/ after a vowel in the Middle Iranian period).102 MacKenzie describes the representation of Pahlavi words in his dictionary (e.g., "x&acaron;mîz [h'myc]," p. 93) as an interpretative phonemic transcription "representing ... the pronunciation [the Pahlavi words] would have had in the third century of our era, the period of the rise of the Sasanian empire."103 An example of the preservation of the sound /é/ corresponding to Semitic /ş/ is the Middle Iranian (Christian Sogdian) word <clyb'> [·caiībāļ "cross" (New Persian LLę čalīpa), which is borrowed from Syriac (cf. Arabic şd/fi).104 Old Armenian amic "a sort of side dish or appetizer (made from game meat; served alongside fruits, apples, and cucumbers)" is apparently a loan from Middle Persian, either ·hāmīc "pickled meat (side dish)" or its variant (?) ·āmīc "side dish; vegetables" (presumably also pickled (?)).105 The Syriac spelling ·hāmīc for Middle Persian hāmīz apparently reflects the affricated pronunciation of Hebrew or Aramaic /ş/ (Hebrew h&acaron;meş), meaning that <ş> was actually pronounced as /ts/ in Hebrew and Aramaic. That affricate /ts/ (which is alien to Iranian languages) was rendered as the closest sound to /ts/, i.e., /с/, in Middle Iranian loans from Hebrew or Aramaic -just like Greek or Slavic words with /ts/ were pronounced with/c/in Ottoman(e. g. the rivername Ottoman Meric < Bulgarian Maritsa).106 So why did K&acaron;syarî gloss Turkic qtmiz with Arabic āmis for which the medieval Arabic dictionaries give the meaning "vinegar stew" etc.? K&acaron;syarî (or Persian speakers around him) was probably aware of at least a semantic connection between qtmiz and Middle Persian tamiz, which the Arabic dictionaries gloss with âmiş. K&acaron;syarî himself confirmed in his preface that the Kitāh al-cayn was at his disposal. Although tamiz ~ "amis may be the name for a specific Iranian pickled meat dish, the etymon of the food name does not refer to a certain meat or broth, but simply means "sour, soured, fermented (in an animal skin)," which was apparently still known to contemporary speakers of Persian, and exactly fits K&acaron;syarî's definition of qtmiz.
In conclusion, the Turkic word qtmiz "fermented mare's milk" is not attested before the mid-11th century. The earliest record is from a Persian geographical source in a passage on the Turkic Kimek, followed shortly by the two major Karakhanid Turkic works Qutadvu Bilig and Diwan Luyât at-Türk. Mahmūd al-Kāšyarī gives "sour" as the basic meaning of qtmiz (qtmiz almila "a sour apple"). We see reflexes and derivatives of Old Turkic qtmiz "sour" in some modern Turkic languages, like Khakas himizah "sorrel (Rumex acetosa, a plant with a distinct sharp, sour taste)," or Anatolian dialects himzi-Amzi"(for food) to become spoiled or rancid, and taste sour, bitter, or fermented." K&acaron;syarî glosses qtmiz with Arabic āmis. Āmis is an obvious loanword into Arabic. The medieval Arabic dictionaries call it a copy from Middle Persian tamiz. I argue that the basic meaning of āmis ~ tamiz ("a pickled meat dish" or "sour broth") is "sour, fermented (in an animal skin)," which applies to Turkic qtmiz. The food terms Middle Persian tamiz (spelled <h'myc> < ·tamlc), Armenian amič, Arabic âmiş/âmiş/câmiş/câmiş, Syriac āmsā, Turkic qtmiz (from Middle Persian tamiz) all ultimately go back to Biblical Hebrew h&acaron;meş "sour, acidic, fermented (for food or drink)." I suggest that Biblical Hebrew h&acaron;meş "sour, acidic, fermented" can be called a "Wanderwort," that is, a cultural word that spread from the ancient Near East through Eurasia (including the Caucasus, the Transeurasian steppes, and Central Asia), in some cases involving a chain of borrowings, including inner-Semitic borrowing.107 The spiritual significance of unleavened food in Judaism and Christianity may have played a partial role in the spread of the word. It is important to point out that in the case of the "Wanderwort" Hebrew h&acaron;meş "sour, acidic, fermented," it is not necessarily (or exclusively) a certain cultural item that has spread. Rather the word with the basic meaning "sour, acidic, fermented" was adopted as a new name for (often) already known, indigenous sour or fermented food items, such as "fermented mare's milk, kumis" among Turkic speakers. Thus, a Semitic word of the Proto-Semitic root ·hmş "to sour, ferment" (Biblical Hebrew h&acaron;meş?), is the ultimate origin of various names of fermented, sour food and drink items in the Semitic, Iranian, Armenian, and Turkic languages. The tentative path of development from Hebrew h&acaron;meş to Turkic qtmtz can roughly be shown as: Biblical Hebrew h&acaron;meş (pronounced hornets') "leavened, soured, fermented" -» ? Biblical Aramaic108 -» ? Syriac -» Middle Persian ·hāmīc > hāmīz "pickled or sour meat, or broth" -> Turkic qtmtz "sour, fermented (mare's milk)."
Başvuru/Submitted: 15.09.2023. Kabul/Accepted: 18.11.2023.
"Anetshofer, Helga. "The Turkic Word tItmtz "fermented mare's milk": Early Historical Textual Evidence and Origin." Zemin, s. 6 (2023): 34-81.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10435940.
1 Marcel Erdal, "What Did the Old Turks Call Fermented Mares' Milk?" in Tifueyu wen xueyan jiu: Geng Shimin jiao shon ba shi hua danji nian wenji = Studies in Turkic Philology: Festschr ft in Honour if the 80th Birthday if Prifessor Geng Shimin, ed. Zhang Dingjing and Abdurishid Yakup (Beijing: China Minzu University Press, 2009), 293-297. - Many thanks to Darragh Winkelman for proofreading and valuable comments.
2 Sevan Nişanyan, Nişanyan Sözlük: Çaǧdaş Türkçenin Etimolıjisi (8th revised edition, 2020), Online version, "kımız."
3 All forms with the vowel sequence kumis in various European languages ultimately go back to Russian kumys (<- Kipchak Turkic qimiz). Neither historical nor modern Turkic languages display the form ·qumiz instead of qimiz. Old Russian dictionaries list the alleged early Turkic loan "коумызъ kumyz", "ком8зъ komuž", "к8м8зъ kumuz" from the epic poem "The Tale of Igor's Campaign" which is generally believed to date from the late 12th century (R. I. Avanesov, Slovar' Drevnerusskcgo lazyka (X1XIV Vv.) (Moskva: "Russkii iazyk," 1991), 4:330; I. I. Sreznevskii, Slovar' Drevnerusskogo lazyka (Reprintnoe izd. Moskva: "Kniga," 1989), 1: part 2, 1266 and 1363). However, Edward L. Keenan has questioned the authenticity of the Igor Tale and argued that the text actually originates from the 18th century (Edward L. Keenan, "Turkic Lexical Elements in the 'Igor Tale' and the 'Zadonščina,'" The Slavonic and East European Review 80, no. 3 (2002), 479-482).
4 Today, kumis has an average of 2% alcohol by volume (cf. beer 5% ABV; wine 13% ABV; boza, a Turkic fermented barley drink 1%).
5 Gerhard Doerfer, Türkische und Mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen = TMEN (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1963-1975), 3: 512-517, no. 1529. 300 years later Alisher Navoiy also cites qtmiz in his list of Turkic food and drink terms that are used by Persian speakers, see fn 28, below.
6 See S. Wilkin, et al., "Dairying Enabled Early Bronze Age Yamnaya Steppe Expansions," Nature 598 (2021): 629-633; and W. T. T. Taylor, C. I. Barrón-Ortiz, "Rethinking the Evidence for Early Horse Domestication at Botai," Scient jie Reports, no. 11 (2021), 1-11. https://doi.org/10.1038/ s41598-021-86832-9. Wilkin's et al. results were drawn from the analysis of dental calculus of human remains from the Early Bronze Age; no evidence of dietary milk proteins was found in the pre-Bronze Age Eneolithic individuals from Botai. Thus, the earlier popular consensus (based on Outram, A. K. et ah, "The Earliest Elorse Harnessing and Milking," Science, no. 323 [2009]: 1332-1335) which supported horse domestication and horse milk drinking at Botai, northern Kazakhstan, about 3500 BCE, is no longer valid.
7 P. Librado, N. Khan, A. Pages, et al., "The origins and spread of domestic horses from the Western Eurasian steppes," Nature, no. 598 (2021): 634-640. Librado's et al. and Wilkins's et al. findings fit well with the estimate that "equestrian pastoralism might have first been introduced into Mongolia [...] via Tuva in southern Siberia and sometime during the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 1500 ВСЕ)"-based on the fact that remains of domesticated horses are only regularly found at both ritual and habitation sites in Mongolia from 1300 BCE onward (Jean-Luc Houle, "Bronze Age Mongolia," The OaJord Handbook iJ Tcpics in Archaeology (online edn, Oxford Academic, 2 Oct. 2014), https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935413.013.20, accessed September 9,2023).
8 These fermented dairy products differ from each other in the types of microbes or starter cultures used, and details of preparation.
9 Elizabeth Tucker, "Indo-Iranian languages," in The Oxford Handbook tf Etymology, ed. Philip Durkin (Oxford University Press, forthcoming 2024).
10 See the passage in Greek and English translation in William P. Thayer (webmaster), "Herodotus: Book IV: chapter 2," LacusCurtius, https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/EZRoman/Texts/ Elerodotus/4a· .html. See also Stephanie West, "Introducing the Scythians: Elerodotus on Koumiss (4.2)," Museum Helveticum 56, no. 2 (1999): 76-86. For references to (nomadic / Scythian) "Mare Milkers" in Homer and Hesiod (both 8th-7th centuries BCE) see Erdal, "What Did the Old Turks Call Fermented Mares' Milk?" 293-294.
11 See E. G. Pulleyblank, "The Consonantal System of Old Chinese: Part II," Asia Mejor 9, no. 2 (1962): 248-256; and Lars Johanson, "Chapter 6: Historical Backgrounds," in Turkic (Cambridge University Press, 2021), 114-142. Sinologists have reconstructed the Old Chinese pronunciation of lao as ·rak < ·g-rak (Pulleyblank, "The Consonantal System," 253; Axel Schuessler, and Bernhard Karlgren, Minimal Old Chinese and Later Han Chinese: A Companion to Grammata Serica Recensa (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2009), 66. Pulleyblank 1962 has (somewhat boldly) linked ·g-rak to Middle Mongolic ay i ray (which is first attested in 14th century Mongol-era Chinese, and not widely used in the modern Mongolic languages) and called Chinese lao and Mongol ay way loanwords from the same (non-Mongolic) Xiongnu basis. - I owe a debt of gratitude to Christopher P. Atwood who so kindly and generously shared his expertise relating to Chinese and Mongolic questions and original sources with me.
12 Edouard Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-Kiue (Tures) occidentaux ... (St.-Pétersbourg: Commissionnaires de ľ Academie imperiale des sciences, 1903), 273; R. C. Blockley, The History tf Menander the Guardsman (Liverpool, Great Britain: F. Cairns, 1985), 120-121, 264. Blockley (The History if Menander the Guardsman, 264) erroneously points to a reference to qimiz in Priscus' account of the Byzantine embassy he led to the court of Attila in the 5th century. But in his 1981 edition of Priscus' account there is no mention of ļimiz: Priscus references the "local" word medos (apparently an Indo-European cognate of mead, honey wine), that the Barbarians drink instead of wine; and "a drink made from barley, which the barbarians call kanton" (R. C. Blockley, The Fragmentary Classicising Historians if the Later Roman Empire: Eunapius, Olympiodorus, Priscus, and Malchus (Liverpool, Great Britain: F. Cairns, 1981), 2: 261 and 384, endnote 44). Kamen a.k.a. camum is known from Greek and Latin sources as a term for a barley beer.
13 Mihály Dobrovits, "The Altaic World Through Byzantine Eyes: Some Remarks on the Historical Circumstances of Zemarchus' Journey to the Turks (AD 569-570)," Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 64, no. 4 (2011): 373-409, here: 389.
14 Old Uyghur sücig "sweet" and sücüg "sweet wine, grape juice, must" (Jens Wilkens, Handwörterbuch des Alt uigurischen: Altuigurisch-Deutsch-Türkisch = HWAU (Göttingen: Universitätsverlag Göttingen, 2021)); Karakhanid Turkic sücig "wine; sweet" < süä- "to he sweet" (Robert Dankoff and James Kelly, eds., Mahmud al-Käšyari: Compendium if the Turkic Dialects (Diwän luyät al-Turk) = DLT (Harvard University Printing Office, 1982), 3: 170). Note that new wine at an early stage of fermentation (at least 4% alcohol by volume) is called Suser, Sauser, Neuer Sifer ("sweet" or "new sweet") in South West Germany and Switzerland ("Federweisser" in Germany, and "Sturm" in Austria).
15 See the most recent edition of the Old Turkic inscriptions with a glossary in Hao Chen, A History if the Second Turk Empire (ca. 682-745 AD) (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2021), 231-255; and the glossary in Talât Tekin, Orhon Türkçesi Grameri (Ankara, 2000), 237-260.
16 Chen, A History if the Second Turk Empire, 210 (Orkhon Turkic text) and 220 (English translation). The same passage is also in the Kül Tégin Inscription (Chen, A History if the Second Turk Empire, 201).
17 Chen, A History ifthe Second TürkEmpire, 188 (Orkhon Turkic text) and 202 (English translation).
18 Chen, A History if the Second Turk Empire, Bilge Kagan Inscription, 217 (Orkhon Turkic text) and 225 (English translation).
19 Thomas T. Alisen, Notes on Alcohol in Pre-Russian Siberia (Philadelphia: Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Pennsylvania, 2018), 2.
20 See two Old Anatolian Turkish verses from Süheyl ü Nevbahār (translated from Persian in 1350 by Hoca Mes'ūd) mentioning qimiz in the description of a drinking feast: 2120 Oturdılar ičkuye quruldi bezin | Durup gitmege etmedi kimse cezm. 2120 Döküldi süci vü qimiz u boza | Ki her biri bly 'aql evini boza. 2121 Eger at qacayidi cılbur üzüp | Süciden ļimizdan geceydi yüzüp. 2122 İçildi qamusi acildi göyül I Coy ayır bašesridioldıyeyül. "2120 They sat down to drink, and a party was setup | No one was inclined to get up and leave. 2120 Wine (sūci), qimiz, and boza was poured | Each of (the drinks) could rob a thousand men of their senses. 2120 If ahorse would tear its bridle strap and run away / It would have to swim through the (floods of) wine (itici) and qimiz. 2122 All drinks were finished, the hearts opened up / Many solemn (lit., heavy-headed) men got drunk and light-headed." (Özkan Ciǧa, "Süheyl ü Nev-bahâr: Metin-Aktarma, Art Zamanlı Anlam Deǧişmeleri, Dizin," Unpublished Graduate (Yüksek lisans) thesis, Diyarbakır, 2013; the English translation is mine). After the 15th century, in Ottoman, qimiz is only attested in historical dictionaries, and in Evliya Çelebi's Seyahatname where it is attributed to the "Tatars" (see Ömer Asım Aksoy and Dehri Dilçin, Tarama Sözlüǧü (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1963-1977), "kımız."
21 See A. Sait Aykut, transi., Ibn Battuta Seyahatnamesi: Çeviri, İnceleme ve Notlar, 2nd ed. (İstanbul: Yapı Kredi, 2004), 1: 466, 472, 476, 478-479, 482, 498. E. g. p. 478: Özbek Khan's first wife, "the Great Khatun (al-hātūn al-kubrā), ... ordered that qimiz be served; they brought qimiz in delicate light wooden cups (aqdâh hasab liţifhfij); she took the cup in her hand and handed it to me. ...I tasted it, and it was no good" (Arabic text in: Muhammad al-Muntaşir Kattānī, Rihlat Ibn Batūtah, ([Bayrūt]: Mu'assasat al-Risālah, 1975), 1: 370-371).
22 My English translation is based on Abdullah Bakir's valuable edition of the Old Anatolian Turkish text which can be improved with some editing and correcting (Abdullah Bakır, ed., Tevârih-i Al-i Selçuk: (Oǧuznâme-Selçuklu Târihi): Giriş, Metin, Dizin (İstanbul: Çamlıca, 2009), 299). More text passages on qimiz from Yazicioylu 'All's history of the Anatolian Seljuks can be found in Semih Tezcan, "Kımran, Alkolsüz Bir İçki," in De Dunhuang a İstanbul: Hommage a James Russell Hamilton, ed. Louis Bazin and Peter Zieme (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 349-358; e.g. on the benefits of pastoral nomadism: "They should always migrate, and not settle. They should roam in the spring pasture (yazla) in spring, in summer pastures (yaylaq) in the summer, in the autumn pasture (güzle) in autumn, and in the winter pasture (qislaq) or the coastal region in winter. So they will have no food shortage, their livestock (davar) will not be thin, and there will be no shortage if ļimiz, ļimran, milk and ycgurt. They will have abundant livelihood and a pleasant life." (Tezcan, "Kimran," 350; the English translation is mine).
23 Chagatai text and English translation in Wheeler M. Thackston, ed., The Baburnama: Memoirs if Babur, Prince and Emperor (Washington, D.C.: Freer Gallery of Art: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, 1995), 201. Thackston's English translation has been minimally modified by me. I am grateful to Kutay Serova for this reference.
24 See Michael Brose, "The Medieval Uyghurs of the 8th through 14th Centuries," in The OsJord Research Encyclopedia JAsian History, ed. David Ludden (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017, online): http://asianhistory.oxfordre.corn/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.001.0001/ acrefore-9780190277727-e-232.
25 Wilkens, HWAU. The transcription has been adapted to the system used here (q = k, e = ä, ė = e, X = g, ş = š, ç = č).
26 Qayaqlan- and its nominal base qayaq "milk skin" are also attested in the 11th century Karakhanid Turkic as qayaq (já, Jlá), and qanaq (já) "in the dialects of the Arghu and the Bulghar," today represented by Khalaj and Chuvash, respectively (DLT, 1: fol. 193: 294; DLT, 2: fol. 458: 163; fol. 518: 235; fol. 531: 252). Dankoff and Kelly gloss Arabic duwäya "skin of milk (or broth)," the equivalent of Turkic qayaq ~ qanaq, with "pellicle." The variant forms qayaq ~ qanaq point to an early Old Turkic form ·qanaq (reconstructed approximate pronunciation: ·(qan·aqļ). Modern Turkish kaymak "(clotted) cream" is an (irregular) reflex of ОТ qayaq/qanaq (the regular Old Anatolian Turkish reflex should be ·qaynaq < ·qayinaq < ОТ ·qañaq; cf. ОТ (runiform) qoñ "sheep" ~ Old Uyghur qoyn > OAT qoyun, Kazakh qoy\
27 The word bor occurs in the phrase otca borca in the Old Turkic Runiform inscriptions, and cannot mean "wine" there. Chen tentatively translated it as "The Türgiş kaǧan's army came like fire and storm [otća borca]" (Chen, A History fi the Second Turk Empire, 188 (Orkhon Turkic text) and 221 (English translation)). Unai has convincingly argued for the meaning "like fire and clouds of dust" ("ateş ve toz bulutu gibi") (Orçun Ünal, "Kül Tegin ve Bilge Kaǧan Yazıtları'nda Geçen otca bwrča İfadesi Üzerine," Gazi Türkiyat no. 26 (Bahar 2020): 127-143).
28 Wilkens, HWAU, glosses bor sorma as "wine," but sorma as "wheat beer." Apparently, sorma can mean "wine" or "beer," although the sources are often not explicit (see Gerard Clauson, An Etymological Dictionary fi Pre-thirteenth-century Turkish (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 852). In Alisher Navoiy's ChagataiJudgment fiTwo Languages (c. 1500), and in the Middle Kipchak pre-Islamic Oghuzname (probably 15th century), sorma and qtmtz are used together in one passage, albeit both with no definition: "The Persians ... use Turkic [words] for such beverages as qtmtz, sorma, ..." (Robert Devereux, "Judgment of Two Languages: Muhākamat al-lughatain by Mir 'Ali Shir Nawa'i: Introduction, Translation and Notes (First Installment)," The Muslim World, 54, no. 4 (Hartford, 1964): 270-287, here: 286; Tūrkhān Ganja'i, and Ruqayya Nūrī, transi., Muhākama al-Lughatayn / Amir 'Alishir Nawayi (Tihrān: Intishārāt-i Andisha-i Naw, 2008), 41); "They ate and drank various foods and various (kinds of) sorma, ctbtyan (jujube fruit?), and qtmtz. After the feast, ... (Oghuz Qaghan ...)" (Balázs Danka, The 'Pagan Cguz-nāmā: A Philological and Linguistic Analysis (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2019), 73).
29 Wilkens, HAUW, "hágni": beer, also the equivalent of Sanskrit sura.
30 See Colin Mackerras, "Chapter 12: The Uighurs," in The Cambridge History if Early Inner Alsia, ed. Denis Sinor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 317-342, esp. 333-334; Gunner В. Mikkelsen, Dictionary <f Manichaean Texts, III: Textsfrom Central Asia and China, Part 4: Dictionary if Manichaean Texts in Chinese (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 16 (entry on donglao).
31 William Rubruck among the Mongols in the 13th century quotes the same information on the significance of pmiz for Eastern Christians: "... the Russian, Greek and Alan Christians who live among them and who wish to observe their religion do not drink it (i.e. "cornos"), and in fact once they have drunk it, they do not regard themselves as Christians, their clergy reconciling them as if they had abjured the Christian faith." (Peter Jackson and David Morgan, The Mission if Friar William if Rubruck: His Journey to the Court if the Great Khan Möngke, 1253-1255 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1990), 101, also 104).
32 Dieter Weber, "Die Stellung der sog. Inchoativa im Mitteliranischen" (PhD diss., Göttingen: 1970), 54; W. В. Henning, "The Sogdian Texts of Paris," Bulletin if the School if Oriental and African Studies 11, no. 4 (1946): 724.
33 Nicholas Sims-Williams, et ah, Biblical and Other Christian Scgdian Textsfrom the Tuifan Collection (Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2014), 84-85, 102; Nicholas Sims-Williams, A Dictionary: Christian Scgdian, Syriac, and English (Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2016), 63. Durkin-Meisterernst has recorded Manichaean Persian cšt, and linked it to the verbal stem chš- /čahš- "to drink, taste" (Desmond Durkin-Meisterernst, Dictionary if Manichaean Texts. Ill, 1: Texts from Central Alsia and China ITexts in Middle Persian and Parthian) (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2004), 128).
34 James E. Montgomery, transi., Mission to the Volga / Ibn Fadlān (New York: New York University Press, 2017): for qtlawus see Falus, 9 and 86; bir and tengri, 10; yabyu, 15; for haqan see Khaqan, 39 and 92; for hading see Khadhank, 92; Zeki Velidi Togan, ed., Ibn Fadlān's Reisebericht (Leipzig: Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft, 1939), 19: 17 (qilawus) (Arabic text).
35 Montgomery, Mission to the Volga, 14; Togan, Ibn Fadlān's Reisebericht, 14 (Arabic text).
36 Renata Holod and Yuriy Rassamakin, "Imported and Native Remedies for a Wounded "Prince": Grave Goods from the Chungul Kurgan in the Black Sea Steppe of the Thirteenth Century," Medieval Encounters 18 (2012): 339-381, esp. 358-360.
37 For some questions concerning this passage see Montgomery, Mission to the Volga, 71-72 (Note 36), and 100 (Glossary). The geographer and lexicographer Yaqut (d. 1229), who has quoted long passages from Ibn Fadlan's (until then apparently unknown) text, added a verb here expressing that Ibn Fadlan also drank from the (alcoholic) honey wine. However the original text does not say that. Togan, Ibn Fadlan's Reisebericht, 44 (German translation and footnotes 2-3), 21 (Arabic text).
38 Aksoy and Dilçin, Tarama Sözlüǧü, "süci, (sücü)"; Türkiye'de Halk Aǧzından Derleme Sözlüǧü = Derleme Sözlüǧü (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1963-1982), "süci" and "sücü."
39 Alisen, Notes on Alcohol in Pre-Russian Siberia, 14.
40 Persian text: Manūchihr Sutūdah, ed., Hudūd aT'aiam min al-mashriļ ilá al-maghrib, kih bi-sāl 372 h jri qamari ta'lif shudah ast (Tihrān: Kitābkhānah-i Tuhūrī, 1983), 85; English translation, minimally edited by me: Vladimir Minorsky and V. V. Bartold, Hudud-aľAlam: 'The Regions tj the World' (Oxford: Printed at the University Press for the Trustees of the "E. J. Gibb memorial": London, Luzac & co., 1937), 99-100.
41 Persian text: Kuun Géza, "Gurdēzi a Törökökrol II: Khaladsok és Kimakok," Keleti szemle: közlemémyek az ural-altcji nép- és nyelvtudomány körébol (Budapest, 1901), 2:168-181, here: 174. The translation is mine.
42 Vladimir Minorsky, ed. and tr., Shan J Al Zamān Tāhir Marvazī on China, the Turks and India (London: The Royal Asiatic Society, 1942), 19-20, no. 7 (Arabic text), 32, no. 7. (English translation). I edited Minorsky's inexact translation "... no salt, except what maybe imported by merchants, who for a maund of it obtain a fox and a sable skin" for wa-rubbamā hamala at-tijir ilayhim al-milhfa-yuštarā minhu manā mithin bi-farivin wa-samurin.
43 Igor de Rachewiltz, The Secret History if the Mongols: A Mongolian Epic Chronicle if the Thirteenth Century, Shorter version ed. John C. Street (University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2015; Books and Monographs, Book 4). http://cedar.wwu.edu/cedarbooks/4; chapter 1, 28 and 31; chapter 2, 85; chapter 4, 145. Erich Haenisch, Manghol un niuca tobca'an (Yuan-ch'aopi-shi): Die Geheime Geschichte der Mongolen [Text edition] (Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz, 1937); Erich Haenisch, Wörterbuch zu Manghol un Niuca Tobca'an (Yuan-ch·aopi-shi): Geheime Geschichte der Mongolen [Glossary] (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1939), 46 (esuk); Erich Haenisch, Die Geheime Geschichte der Mongolen [German translation] (2. verb. Auri., Leipzig: О. Harrassowitz, 1948).
44 Francis Woodman Cleaves, The Secret History /the Mongols (Cambridge, Mass.; London, England: published for the Harvard-Yenching Institute by Harvard University Press, 1982), p. 7, 31 (mare's milch); p. 28, 85 ("sour [mare's] milch" with footnote "kumiss").
45 Hans Nugteren, "Mongolic Phonology in the Gansu-Qinghai Languages" (PhD diss., Universiteit Leiden, 2011), 376, https://www.lotpublications.nl/Documents/289_fulltext.pdf. Nugteren, who missed the Secret History data esüg, has reconstructed Common Mongolic ·is-. Ferdinand D. Lessing, Mongolian-English Dictionary, Corrected Re-Printing (Bloomington, Indiana: The Mongolia Society, Inc., 1982), 335, 416. Mongol tol' (Mongol ulsyn Shinjlekh ukhaany Akademi, 2016), www.mongoltoli.mn. Many thanks go to Mongolist-linguist Benjamin Brosig who generously and patiently helped me with my Mongolic questions.
46 Jackson and Morgan, The Mission ijFriar William ijRubruck, 82-83. See Doerfer, TMEN 3, no. 1472, p. 458-460: qurut "säuerlicher Käse aus getrockneter und kondensierter Milch;" also in the Old Uyghur word list above.
47 Jackson and Morgan, The Mission ijFriar William ijRubruck, 79, 81-83 ("cornos" stinging the tongue), 96, 99, 101, 104-105, 132-133, 135, 178-179 ("caracomos", clear or refined mare's milk; and "bal," honey mead), 191,209, 222 and 242 (the ritual of sprinkling "cornos" on "their felt idols" etc.), 254, 264. Jackson and Morgan have clarified that the best manuscripts of Rubruck's text have correct "cornos" and not "cosmos," which is apparently a later copyist's error. The corrupted form "cosmos" has gone around the world based on the first Latin edition (Van den Wyngaert 1929) and subsequent English translations. Marco Polo, in the second half of the 13th century, records "kemis" for qimiz (Jackson and Morgan, The Mission ijFriar William ijRubruck, 76-77).
48 For (Western Mongolic) Kalmyk cf. G. J. Ramstedt, Kalmückisches Wörterbuch (Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura, 1935), p. 26: airog "kumis from cow's milk"; p. 231: kimr "kumis diluted with water," and kimra'.n "boiled cow's milk diluted with water"; p. 244: kö'.rtseg "old kumis with fresh cow's milk, milk mixed with kumis"; p. 438: age'.n "kumis"; p. 443: ädmeg ~ tsidmeg "kumis with water."
49 This whole paragraph on fermented mare's milk (and related dairy products) in Chinese sources is almost completely based on information generously shared with me by Christopher P. Atwood (personal communication, September 13 and 17, 2023). Again, many thanks.
50 Paul D. Buell, E. N. Anderson, and Charles Perry, A Soupfor the Qan: Chinese Dietary Medicine if the Mongol Era as Seen in Hu Sihui's Yinshan Zhengyao, 2nd rev. and expanded ed. (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 503, fn 50.
51 E. G. Pulleyblank, "The Consonantal System," 250-252 (tung, i.e. dong, "milk of cows and mares," and tung-lao, i.e. donglao), 253-254 (lao), 255 (t'i-hu, i.e. tihu); Christopher P. Atwood, with Lynn Struve, trans., The Rise if the Mongols: Five Chinese Sources (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2021), 119: "A Sketch of the Black Tatars," by Peng Daya and Xu Ting of the Southern Song" [13th century]: "mare's milk" and "black horse's milk"-the words in the Chinese original (ma nai(zi) and hei manai) were supplied by the translator Christopher P. Atwood.
52 Chinese aila ... can only transcribe Mong, ayiraq and not (potential) Turkic ayran. In early Mandarin, a syllable-final -ci was dropped, whereas a syllable-final -n in a foreign word would be expressed in the transcription using a different character. I want to thank Sinologist Laura Skosey for providing a more literal translation (than the one in Buell's edition) of this (and a later) passage, and adding the Chinese characters from the facsimile.
53 Buell et ah, A Soupfor the Qan, 435 (Chinese text) and 504 (English translation); Herbert Franke, "Additional Notes on Non-Chinese Terms in the Yüan Imperial Dietary Compendium Yin-Shan Cheng-Yao," Zentralasiatische Studien 4 (1970): 8.
54 Buell et al., A Soup for the Qan, 434 (Chinese text) and 503 (English translation).
55 Antoine Mostaert, Igor de Rachewiltz, and Anthony Schönbaum, Le materiel Mongol du Houa i i iu de Houng-ou (1389) (Bruxelles, pare du Cinquantenaire 10: Institut belge des liantes etudes chinoises, 1977), 38.
56 Compare the historical cognates of Turkish ayran salted yogurt drink diluted with water and Khalkhaterafermented mares milk: Karakhanid Turkic ayran (11 th century) = Arabic mated buttermilk (DLT, 1: fol. 73); Rubruck (13th century) <airam> extremely sour dairy beverage from cows milk (see f. 47); Mongolian (RasulidHexaglot, 14th century) ayran qtmtz = Arabic laban ar-rimāk (fermented) mares milk (Tibor Halasi-Kun and Peter B. Golden, The King's Dictionary: the Rasulid Hexaglot-Fourteenth Century Vocabularies in Arabic, Persian, Turkic, Greek, Armenian, and Mongol (Brill, 2000), 81, fol. 187); Middle Mongol ayiraq (14th century) camels milk (see fn 52 and 55, above). The etymology of and relationship between Turkic ayran and Mongolic airag is contested. Róna-Tas has derived Hungarian író buttermilk from hypothetical West Old Turkic "tray < ·ayray (WOT was spoken between the 6th century and the 13th century west of the Ural range and the Ural river), and considers WOT ·ayray the equivalent of East Old Turkic ayran (András Róna-Tas, Arpád Berta, and László Károly, West Öld Turkic: Turkic Loanwords in Hungarian (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2011), 464-470; András Róna-Tas, Old Turkic, West, in Encyclcpedia if Turkic Languages and Linguistics Online, general editor: Lars Johanson, first published online: 2023, http://dx.doi.org.proxy.uchicago.edu/10.1163/2667-3029_ETLO_SIM_032214)
57 Marcel Erdal, Old Turkic Word Formation: A Functional Approach to the Lexicon (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1991), 1:323-327.
58 Vámbéry 1878 was the first to link Turkic qimiz to the Turkic ghost word ·qim- "leicht bewegen, rühren [to move slightly (tr.), to stir]" (Armin Vámbéry, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der turko-tatarischen Sprachen (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1878), 91-92, no. 96, followed by Ramstedt 1935, "qym- umrühren [to stir]," and others (Ramstedt, Kalmückisches Wörterbuch, 231, "kimr").
59 Erdal, Old Turkic Word Formation, 1:339-340.
60 For the Turkish forms, the expressive formation and the nominal suffix {-DI} see Andreas Tietze, Tarihî ve EtimoLjik Türkiye Türkçesi Lügati (Ankara: Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, 2016-2020), esp. the entries "aǧartı," "akıntı," "anırtı," and "çat;" for OAT qimirti see, İsmail Hakkı Aksoyak, Tebdiz: Tarih ve Edebiyat Metinleri Baǧlamlı Dizin ve İşlevsel Sözlüǧü (2007-), http :/Avww.tebdiz.com/.
61 Etimolcgicheskiî slovar' tiurkskikh iazykov = Estja, ed. L. S. Levitskaia, A.V. Dybo, V.I. Rassadin (Moskva: Nauka 2000), [vol. 6] "Ķ," 215-216, https://altaica.ru/LIBRARY/e_edtl.php.
62 Sergei Starostin, Anna Dybo, and Oleg Mudrák, Etymolcgical Dictionary ifthe Altaic Languages = EDAL (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2003), part 1: 641, see entry "[Proto-Altaic] ·kamo boiled substance, alcohol" - ·kamo is a speculatively reconstructed form based on genetically unrelated, reconstructed Proto Tungusic, Proto Mongolic, Proto Turkic, and Proto Japanese forms.
63 Ramstedt, Kalmückisches Wörterbuch, 231. See fn 48, above.
64 Lessing, Mongolian-English Dictionary, 470.
65 Tezcan, "Kınıran, alkolsüz bir içki," 349-358, for an example of qtmran in Yazicioylu 'All's Old Anatolian Turkish text see fn 22, above.
66 Tezcan, "Kimran, alkolsüz bir içki," 354-355; see also Estja, 215-216, "qimiz."
67 For the potential -mr- ~ -rm- methatesis cf. many cases of -pr- ~ -tp- methatesis in Turkic, e.g. Turkish kitpik ~ Anatolian dialects kiprik "eye lash(es)." For methatesis in Mongolic see Nugteren, "Mongolic Phonology," 257-260.
68 Doerfer, TMEN, 3:515-516; Tezcan, "Kimran, alkolsüz bir içki," 356; Christopher Atwood (personal communication, November 6, 2023). An often cited Mong, verbal stem ·kimu- (Ramstedt, Kalmückisches Wörterbuch, 231, "kimr") or · kimura- (Talât Tekin, "Zetacism and Sigmatism in Proto-Turkic," Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hutıgaricae 22, no. 1 (1969): 51-80, here: 61; Estja, 215-216) does not exist.
69 Robert Dankoff, ed., Wisdom ifRoyal Glory (Kutadgu Bilig): A Turko-IslamicMirrorfor Princes / YÛsuf Kh&acaron;şş Hājib (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 9-10.
70 DET, 1: fol. 271, "suy-."
71 Dankoff, Wisdom ifRoyal Glory, 184 (chapter 59, line 4442); Dankoff has translated qurut as "cheese." Qutadyu Bilig Facsimile: Yusuf Has Hacib, Kutadgu Bilig, [vol.] B: Feıgana Nüshası, Taşkent Davlat Şarkşünaslik Instituti Huzuridegi Abu Rayhan Beruniy Namlı Şark Kolyazmaleri Merkezi 1809. nr. (Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu, 2015), fol. 161a.
72 Dankoff, Wisdom if Royal Glory, 63 (chapter 16, line 723). I chose a different translation from Dankoff's "The words of an ancient and experienced man are wisdom's leaven Isöz qori]-listen: ..." Note the positive connotation of "leaven" here, as opposed to biblical proverbs where "leaven" usually has a negative connotation, e.g. "A little leaven leavens the whole lump of dough" (Galatians 5:9), where "leaven" symbolizes evil.
73 See John R. Perry, "Dictionaries ii Arabic-Persian dictionaries," Encyclcpaedia Iranica (1995), https ://www.iranicaonline .org/articles/dictionaries#pt2.
74 I changed Dankoff and Kelly's literal translation from Arabic wa-l-qa'bu abadan mawduun 'alā âmişihim ("there is ever a cup over their koumiss" for Turkic süti uze sayraq, DLT, 1:350) according to the Turkic phrase. The Old Turkic postposition uze "on, upon" can also have instrumental meaning (Wilkens, HWAU, "üzä"); see the similar Old Uyghur phrase ädgu yezgü uzā acınıp todgurup ... "they care for and feed [the creatures in the animal existence] with good food(?)" (Klaus Röhrborn, Uigurisches Wörterbuch (Band 1: Teil 1:, 2010), https://www.woerterbuchnetz.de/UWB, "acın-."
75 Cf. 16th century Ottoman yojurt uyut-, lit. to make yogurt fall asleep (Aksoy and Dilçin, Tarama Sözlüǧü, "uyutmak": sütü mayalayıp yoǧurt hâline getirmek, pıhtılaştırıp dondurmak); and Anatolian dialects ycǧurt uyut- (Derleme Sözlüǧü, "uyutmak": yoǧurt yapmak için sütü mayalamak). Dankoff and Kelly consistently translate Ar. raid as "curdled milk." I am confident that "yogurt" is the appropriate translation for Käšyarí's usage of Ar. rā'ib (cf. Arabic r-w-b I: "to be, or become thick, or coagulated"). See also DLT, 2: fol. 413, qat-, and fol. 517, suviq (note that suviqyojrut (Ar. ratiy'atun, MS err. ratiyyatun, raqtqun) "watered down or diluted yogurt," perfectly describes modern Turkish ayran).
76 Cf. Marcel Erdal, OTWF, 1:303 and 313; 2:725, 688.1 fully agree with Erdal's proposal that the original meaning of yojur- "to knead (dough), etc." was "to condense, thicken, solidify (tr.)." Support for this notion comes from K&acaron;syarî, who glosses the Turkic phrase yojurmišun sutvisdi [lit. the kneaded (?) flour became watery] with Arabic "the dough (·<jīn) became sloppy /loose (istarhā) from too much water" (Kâşgarh Mahmud, Dtvânü LÛgati't-Türk: Tıpkıbasım/Faksimile (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlıǧı, 1990), fol. 319-320). Lane glosses djîn (from 'yana "to knead, etc.") with "kneaded; i.e. borne upon with the fist or clinched hand, and so pressed; dough; flour kneaded with water" (Edward William Lane, An Arabic-English Lexicon (London: Edinburgh: Williams and Norgate, 1863-1893)). Yoyurnus un means "dough (flour made compact by adding water and kneading)" (cf. Khakas čuuraan un "dough," V. IA. Butanaev, Khakassko-russkii htoriko-ėtncgnficheskii Slovak (Abakan: Khakasiia, 1999), 164). Еогуоуии "thick" cf. also Old Uyghur yoyun aš, "a thick gruel" (Wilkens, HAUW, "yoǧun"); and the opposition of yoyun "thick" <-> ince "thin" in 14th century Old Anatolian Turkish boyninuy ovunndan yanı yoyun ola ve basından yanı ince "the part of the (horse's) neck that is close to the chest should be thick, the part that is close to the head should be thin" (Helga Anetshofer, "Neues zur altanatolisch-türkischen Pferdeterminologie," in "Die Wunder der Schcţjung": Mensch und Natur in der türksprachigen Welt, eds. В. Heuer, B. Kellner-Heinkele, C. Schönig (Wiesbaden: Ergon Verlag, 2012), 146).
77 D. N. MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary (London; New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 45; Durkin-Meisterernst, Dictionary (f Manichaean Texts, 368.
78 Butanaev, Khakassko-russkiî... Slovar', 201. For Kazakh qor and Turkmen gor see "What Did the Old Turks Call Fermented Mares' Milk?" 294-296.
79 See DLT, 1: fol. 112, "aat-."
80 For day meaning both "sour" (Ar. hāmid) and "bitter" (Ar. murr) see DLT, 2: fol. 415, "siičit-"; for sour grapes see DLT, 1: fol. 100, "ačiš-", and fol. 144, "ačiysi-;" for sour quinces see DLT, 2: fol. 421, "qamat-."
81 See Azarbaycan dilinin dialektolcji lügati, onlineversion, "qimiz," https ://obastan.com/q%C4%Blm%C4%Blz/566273/?l=az. For Az. Zí/'very' see A. Caferoǧlu, "Azerbaycan ve Anadolu Aǧızlarındaki Moǧolca Unsurlar," Türk Dili Araştırmaları Yıllıǧı - Belleten, 2 (1954): 1-10, here: 8-9.
82 Yunus İnanç, "Karaman ve Konya Aǧızlarındaki Arapça Kökenli Olduǧu Düşünülen Bazı Fiiller," Karamancǧlu Mehmetbey Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Delgisi 5, no. 2 (2022): 362-372, here: 368. İnanç is correct in seeing a sort of etymological relationship between Turkish hımzı- and Arabic hāmid, but the relationship is more complicated. The direct etymon of hımzı- is Turkic qtmiz. For the denomina! verbal suffix {+!-} cf. OAT and Anatolian dialects bayı- (Old Uyghur bayu-) "to become rich" < bay "rich."
83 Estja, [vol. 6] "Ķ," 215-216, https://altaica.ru/LIBILARY/e_edtl.php. Butanaev, Khakassko-russkii... Slovar', 201.
84 Marcel Erdal, "What Did the Old Turks Call Fermented Mares' Milk?"
85 Doerfer, TMEN 3:513, no. 1529. Johann August Vullers, Lexicon Persico-latinum Etymologicum: ... Bonnae ad Rhenum: impensis A. Marci, 2:1864, 743. Steingass's entry "qamiz": "a cup, a goblet" is probably copied from Vuller's erroneous entry (Francis Joseph Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary (London: Allen, 1892), 443).
86 'Ali Akbar Dihkhudā, Lughatnämah (Tihrän: Sāzmān-i Lughat'nāmah, 1372-1373), ... [q-mīz]" https://www.parsi.wiki/fa/wiki/350613/%d9%82%d9%85%db%8c%d8%b2.
87 Dihkhudā, Lughatnämah, ... [hāmīz]": "a sort of stew (hunts): sheep or lamb meat is put into tanned skin (pūst-i dab&acaron;yat) and dressed in vinegar, ..., the strained broth from it is drunk; etc.; kumis." https://www.parsi.wiki/fa/wiki/229278/%d8%ae%d8%a7%d9%85%db%8c%d8%b2. Vgl. also Steingass "hāmīz": "broth strained and left to become jelly" (Francis Joseph Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary (London: Allen, 1892), 443).
88 Regarding the transcription of the Hebrew symbol n as h versus fricative /x/: A is a simple representation of the symbol, whereas /x/ represents the generally assumed actual pronunciation by the time of Syriac. Many thanks for their information, ideas and input on questions of Semitic etymology go to Rebecca Hasselbach-Andee (Comparative Semitics) and Stuart Creason (Biblical Aramaic, Classical Hebrew).
89 Nişanyan Sözlük, "kımız."
90 The phonological adaptation of Middle Persian hāmīz in Old Turkic involves the following regular steps: hāmīz → ·hamiz (shortening of long vowels) -> ·hamiz ~ ·qamiz (alternation h ~ 1, commonly observed in Old Turkic) → ·qamiz (adaptation to 'palatal' [ifront] harmony, front i becomes back i) → qtmiz (optional regressive assimilation of the first vowel a [-high] to i [+high]).
91 See " flan leavened (bread and other food)," in The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon J the Old Testament (HALÓT) Online, edited by: HALÓT, accessed October 14,2023, https ://dictionaries-brillonline-com.proxy.uchicago.edu/search#dictionary=halothebrew&id=HET.367; and Hebrew " flan hāmēs leavened)," in Blue Letter Bible, accessed October 14, 2023. https ://www.blueletterbible. org//search/search.cfm?Criteria=leavened%2A+H2556&t=KJV#s=s_primary_0_l; and "hmş chametz," in The Comprehensive Aramaic Lexicon, accessed October 14, 2023 https://cal.huc.edu/.
92 Rebecca Hasselbach-Andee, "Semitic Etymology," in The O>Jord Handbook (/Etymology, Philip Durkin, ed. (Oxford University Press, 2024, forthcoming).
93 Leonid Kogan, "8. Proto-Semitic Lexicon," in The Semitic Languages: An International Handbook, ed. Stefan Weninger (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2011), 179-258, here: 239.
94 Claudia A. Ciancaglini, Iranian Loanwords in Syriac (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2008), 108, "āmşā." For Akkadian emşu "sour" see "flan" in HALÓT Online (accessed October 14, 2023). For more cognates of the Proto-Semitic root ·hamş "sour," including Akkadian emēsū "to be sour," Ugaritic hmş "vinegar," (Modern South Arabian) Soqotri hémaz "sour milk," (Modern South Arabian) Jibali tez "(milk) to begin turning into butter" see Kogan, "8. Proto-Semitic Lexicon," 239.
95 All Arabic citations here are from http://arabiclexicon.hawramani.com/.
96 Cf. Middle Mongolian estig lit., (something) fermented = Kumis; Old Uyghur síiéiig lit., (something) sweet = sweet wine; Turkish turşu lit., (something) sour = pickled vegetables (<Persian tutsi "pickles" < tuts "sour").
97 Daniel Newman, personal communication, February 4, 2023. On the vinegar stew Ar. sikbij, lit. vinegar (→ Middle Persian ·sikbāg > New Persian síkba), one of the "most emblematic dishes of medieval Arab cooking," see Newman's webpage http://eatlikeasultan.com/sikbaj-the-return/.
98 My sincere thanks go to David Buyaner who generously shared his expertise in Iranian historical linguistics with me. Many of the essential points of my argumentation here are owed to him.
99 ŽālaĀmūzgār, "Cooking ii. In Pahlavi literature," Encyclopaedia Iranka (1989), https://www. iranicaonline.org/articles/cooking#pt2.
100 Desmond Durkin-Meisterernst confirmed that Middle Persian āmēz- (which goes back to Old Iranian āmēč-, with a -c- to -z- sound change in the Middle Persian period) is part of a verb (āmihten "to mix") and not a noun as in hypothetical ·hām-āmīz; the noun is attested in Parthian 'myg /5mēy/"mixture." Durkin-Meisterernst concludes that hāmīz "could indeed be a borrowing at least in part from Semitic" (personal communication, February 18, 2023); and Durkin-Meisterernst, Dictionary tjManichaean Texts, 41.
101 Ciancaglini, Iranian Loanwords in Syriac, 108, "āmsā."
102 David Buyaner, personal communication, October 16, 2023. Skjærvø describes this for non-Manichaean Middle Persian as a mere orthographic feature: "<c> is used to spell z" with the example Iranian <tyc> |·toj tēz "sharp" (Prods Oktor Skjærvø, "Chapter 4: Middle West Iranian," in The Iranian Languages, ed. Gernot Windfuhr (London; New York: Routledge, 2009), 196-274, here: 202). This is true for the Aramaic loanword in Middle Iranian <gcytk> "poll tax" ~ Arabic jizya (D. Y. Shapira, "Irano-Arabica: contamination and popular etymology. Notes on the Persian and Arabic lexicons (with references to Aramaic, Hebrew and Turkic)," in Христианский Восток - Новая Серия, volume 5 (XI) (Moscow: Издательство Российской Академии Науки Государственного Эрмитажа, 2009), 160-191, here: 158).
103 MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, ix-xiv (Introduction).
104 Nicholas Sims-Williams, "Syro-Sogdica III: Syriac elements in Sogdian," in A Green Leif: Papers in Honour if PnfessorJes P. Asmussen, eds. Werner Sundermann, et al. (Leiden: Brill, 1988), 145-156, here: 147. See also Shapira, "Irano-Arabica: Contamination and Popular Etymology," 182, fn 148.
105 MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, 8: "āmiz ['myc]," and 93: "x&acaron;mîz [h'myc]." Heinrich Hübschmann, Armenische Grammatik: Erster Teil: Armenische Etymologie (Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1962 [1897]), 96, no. 16. Hübschmann (followed by Ciancaglini, Iranian Loanwords in Syriac, 108) links Armenian amic to Syriac āmsā "sour food" and identifies it as an Iranian loan, but derives it from an (invalid) Middle Persian word ·āmīc "mixture," see fn 100, above.
106 For the so called "affricate hypothesis" see Richard C. Steiner, /.ffricated şade in the Semitic Languages (American Academy for Jewish Research, 1982), esp. 45-47, 50-57; and Leonid Kogan, "6. Proto-Semitic Phonetics and Phonology," in The Semitic Languages: An International Handbook, ed. Stefan Weninger (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter), 54-151, here: 62-64 (evidence for an affricate ş in pre-medieval Hebrew and Aramaic). I am grateful to David Buyaner for drawing my attention to this point.
107 I want to acknowledge Stuart Creason here who first came up with the idea of the "Wanderwort" (personal communication, December 7, 2022).
108 Biblical Aramaic is the official Aramaic dialect adopted by the Persian Empire 559-330 BCE. Syriac is Christian or Eastern Aramaic, used from the 1 st century CE through the Middle Ages (13th century).
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Abstract
Bu çalışma, Türkçe kımız "mayalanmış kısrak sütü" sözcüǧünün metinsel tanıklarını geniş kapsamlı tarih ve kültürel baǧlamı içinde ortaya koymaktadır. Bunu yaparken filolojik ve dilbilimsel analiz, tarihî ve kültürel incelemenin yanı sıra arkeolojik buluntular da kullanılmıştır. Altı ila on üçüncü yüzyıllara ait Bizans Yunancası, Türkçe, Soǧdca, Çince, Arapça, Farsça ve Moǧolca gibi dillerdeki birincil kaynaklar yeniden deǧerlendirilmiştir. MahmÛd el-Kâşgarî'de (1077) ve bazı çaǧdaş Türk dillerinde kımız sözcüǧünün esas anlamının "ekşi" olduǧuna dair tanıklar bulunmaktadır. Çalışmada Türkçe kımız sözcüǧünün doǧrudan kaynak kelimesinin (etimon), esas anlamı "ekşi, mayalanmış" olan Orta Farsça hāmīz "et turşusu" kelimesi olduǧunu öneriyorum. Ayrıca, Sami, İran, Ermeni ve Türk dillerinde bulunan ekşimiş ya da mayalanmış bazı yiyecek ve içecek adlarının nihai kaynaǧının, Proto-Sami ·hmş "ekşimek, mayalanmak" kökünden türemiş Samice bir kelime (büyük ihtimalle Eski Ahit İbranicesi hāmēs, modern İbranice chametz "[Pesah sırasında yasak olan] mayalanmış [gıdalar]") olduǧunu iddia ediyorum. Bundan dolayı, İbranice hāmēs m. bir çeşit "Wanderwort" olarak kabul edilebileceǧini ileri sürüyorum. İbranice terimin dinî önemi-Süryanice ve başka diller üzerinden-yayılmasında rol oynamış olmalıdır.