La chilena mexicana es peruana: Multiculturalism, Regionalism, and Transnational Musical Currents in the Hispanic Pacific

Abstract

From the sixteenth century the Spanish had referred to the coastal area as the Costa de la Mar del Sur (Widmer 1990, 19-20). Since the earliest years of the Conquest, this costa sureña figured importantly in the colony's contact and trade with Central America and, offering an al- ternative to transshipment through Panama, the Spanish crown's ties to its southern colonies of Peru and Chile. [...]Cochrane's journals make no mention of this incident, and the entire story may simply be a creative embellishment intended to bolster the Chilean author's argument that the chilena was his nation's "gift" to Mexico in celebration of the countries' near-simultaneous independence in 1822.9 As discussed further later in this article, it is gen- erally accepted that the zamacueca had not even arrived in Santiago until more than a year later, in 1823-24. In Sola de Vega, sometimes-violent disputes over land lasted until the 1970s. [...]their decline or relocation to the cities, upper-class merchants and property owners supported musi- cal activity and enforced bourgeois musical tastes. Many recordings use technolog- ical innovations such as sequenced drum parts and synthesizers. Because these groups play at a variety of functions-weddings, fiestas, quinceañeras, and so forth-they must be versatile.

Headnote

Abstract: The emblematic music of the southern states of Oaxaca and Guerrero, the chilena, thrives in one of the most ethnically diverse regions of Mexico. A broad array of subgenres, in traditional as well as contemporar y hybrid styles, ser ves geographically and culturally distinct populations. This article examines the discourse and rhetorical strategies underlying the chilena's origin narratives and effor ts to include it within the family of Mexi- can regional sones. Musical and social aspects of genre construction are related to historical and contemporar y narratives concerning mestizaje, race, regionalism, and nation.

keywords: Costa Chica, chilena, son mexicano, cueca, ar tesa, transnational music, genre

Resumen: La musica emblematica de los estados sure?os de Oaxaca y Guerrero, la chi- lena, florece en una de las regiones de M?xico con mayor diversidad ?tnica. Una amplia co- lecci?n de subg?neros, en estilos tanto tradicionales como h?bridos contempor?neos, sirve poblaciones que son geogr?ficamente y culturalmente distintas. Este ar t?culo examina el discurso y las estrategias ret?ricas subyacentes en los relatos que cuentan el origen de la chilena y los esfuerzos por incluirla en la familia de sones regionales de M?xico. Los aspec- tos musicales y sociales de la construcci?n del g?nero est?n relacionados a las narrativas hist?ricas y contempor?neas que tratan temas de mestizaje, raza, regionalismo y naci?n.

palabras clave: Costa Chica, chilena, son mexicano, cueca, ar tesa, m?sica trasnacional, g?nero

During the nineteenth century, South American music and dance genres such as the cueca spread up the Pacific coast from Chile and Peru to Mex- ico and as far north as California. Some forms took root in these coastal areas, combining with native genres and taking on distinctive local char- acteristics. In the Costa Chica of the southern Mexican states of Guerrero and Oaxaca, in honor of the music's South American origins, one new form became known generically as the chilena. As evidenced in contem- porary and historical discourse, like other postindependence genres, the cueca and chilena contributed to coalescing national and regional imag- inaries. Much as the cueca was ordained the official music and dance genre of Chile, the chilena became the emblematic performance genre of the Costa Chica.

Despite its transnational origins, over time the chilena has come to be viewed as a constituent part of the large constellation of Mexican regional genres known as son mexicano. In this categorization process, scholars, anthologists, and writers have tended to concentrate on mestizo "folkloric" elements common to both the chilena and Mexican son while ignoring traditional indigenous and Afro-Mexican styles, as well as popular con- temporary forms of chilena "contaminated" by the influence of the com- mercial media. This study takes a broader approach by examining and comparing forms of the chilena as they are practiced among the diverse populations of the Costa Chica. Many of these demographics have fig- ured importantly in stories about the arrival of the chilena, and as I show here, corollaries to these narratives are found in the origin theories of the chilena's related South American forms.

While the chilena and Mexican son share some musical, formalistic, and contextual traits, the chilena is unique in several vital respects. First, in contrast to Mexican son genres, such as son jarocho, son huasteco, son jaliciense, and others whose names typically reveal their strong connection to regional identities, the chilena's name reflects its commonly accepted transnational origins in Chilean cueca. Moreover, its practitioners and consumers clearly distinguish it from other music in their repertoire that they do identify as son. Finally, unlike most regional son forms, which tend to be preserved in "purer," more traditional styles, the chilena, while retaining a core of traditionalists, has endured as a widely popular and ever-variegating regional music characterized by hybridization with other contemporary popular genres such as cumbia and banda.

The construction of a national supergenre comprising regional genres was influenced in postrevolutionary Mexico by the project to promote a unified mestizo national culture.1 Focusing on formalistic characteristics shared with regional son genres made it possible to construct a chilena ontology that de-emphasized local contexts, variants, aesthetics, and dis- course about the music. To counter the exclusions and distortions of son taxonomy, a growing movement of contemporary musicians and schol- ars has begun to contest these kinds of categorizations (see, e.g., Híjar Sánchez 2006; Luengas Pérez 2009). Their project is congruent with re- cent trends to move beyond the idea of mestizaje or homogeneity to assert a more fluid, pluriethnic vision of national identity that emphasizes migra- tional, indigenous, Afro-Mexican, and other musical genres, subgenres, and cultural forms.2

Some of the musical, terpsichorean, and textual similarities between Mexican son forms and the cueca or chilena probably reflect common roots in the musical interludes of the tonadilla escénica that flourished in the Iberian Peninsula since the eighteenth century and were spread throughout the colonies by traveling theater and zarzuela troupes.3 More- over, after arriving on the Pacific coast of Mexico, all the evidence points toward the cueca's rapid absorption of Mexican and regional performance practices, instruments, and subject matter. Like the cueca, the Mexican chilena is a couple dance that, at least in more formal situations (such as folkloric productions), involves intricate patterns of advance and retreat, as well as flirtation without physical contact. In many forms of chilena, as in the cueca, a handkerchief in the male dancer's right hand is held or waved suggestively. Rhythmically, the chilena and cueca (as well as many forms of son) share a marked emphasis on sesquiáltera, or shifting passages of triple and duple rhythm and meter. Basic accompaniment patterns sug- gest the lasting influence of archaic Spanish guajira and bolero patterns. Other than these broad generalities, little in the way of specific similar- ities or shared repertoire between the chilena and the cueca is found to- day. In particular, as a musical and poetic form, the cueca has a more set structure of fourteen lines set to forty-eight measures (though forty-four-, fifty-two-, and fifty-six-measure variants are also found) divided into three sections to which the dancers execute distinct patterns of steps and turns, or tres pies.4 The Mexican chilena tends to be structured more loosely and varies considerably throughout the region. Regardless of its origins, the chilena has become thoroughly adapted to local sensibilities.5 In the words of Baltazar Velasco Garcia, a leading chilenero from Pinotepa Nacional in the Costa Chica: "We don't see the chilena as something strange, as some- thing foreign. We live in relation to the chilena-we are born, we grow, and we die with the chilena, and we consider it something of our own."6

I begin by reexamining various origin narratives that have served to sit- uate various localities or populations at the point of arrival of the chilena from the Pacific coast of South America. Such discourse is closely inter- twined with the articulation of ethnic, regional, and national identity. What made the Costa Chica fertile ground for the chilena? How do chilena origin stories relate to narratives concerning the origins and flow of the zamacueca, cueca, chilena, and marinera complex in Peru and Chile? As its main focus, this article explores the chilena as it is currently practiced among the region's diverse populations and geographies. Five basic spe- cies of chilena can be heard in social contexts ranging from public fiestas, competitions, commemorative events, protests, broadcasts, and festivals to intimate gatherings, recording sessions, and rehearsals. A question under- lying much of my analysis remains: how does the revitalization and pop- ularity of chilena subgenres undermine the concept of the son mexicano supergenre and, by extension, the ideal of a homogeneous mestizo nation?

La Costa de la Mar del Sur

While evidence of the chilena's presence in Mexico extends as far north as Sinaloa and Sonora, the genre flourished in and became closely iden- tified with the Costa Chica, a littoral plain on the Pacific coast of Mex- ico stretching southeast roughly from Acapulco in Guerrero to the port of Huatulco in the state of Oaxaca near the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. This narrow coastal strip is broken by numerous rivers flowing into lush la- goons on their way from the imposing Sierra del Sur to the sea. Since pre- Columbian times, several vital routes through the mountains have tied the Costa Chica (rather tenuously) to the interior civilizations of the high- land Zapotees, Mixtéeos, and the Triple Alliance (or "Aztec" Empire)-and later to the viceroyalty of New Spain and to the central governing insti- tutions of the Mexican state. A coastal highway connecting many of the communities of the Costa Chica was not completed until the 1960s.

The terms Costa Chica and Costa Grande (the coastal area extending northwest from Acapulco) did not come into usage until the nineteenth century. From the sixteenth century the Spanish had referred to the coastal area as the Costa de la Mar del Sur (Widmer 1990, 19-20). Since the earliest years of the Conquest, this costa sureña figured importantly in the colony's contact and trade with Central America and, offering an al- ternative to transshipment through Panama, the Spanish crown's ties to its southern colonies of Peru and Chile. During the rainy season, from April to September, ships hugging the coast were able to catch favorable winds and currents northward. During the remaining months, a seasonal shift in the winds allowed the more arduous and lengthy journey to the south (Borah 1954, 29-31). By 1570 Acapulco began to dominate the routes through its burgeoning trade with China and the Far East via the Philip- pines,7 but Huatulco, and other small Costa Chica harbors, such as the almost-mythic Puerto Minizo, continued to provide shelter for explorers, merchants, travelers, smugglers, pirates, and adventurers.

Even before the arrival of Europeans and their African slaves, the re- gion was among Mexico's most culturally and ethnically diverse. Oaxaca's populace alone includes sixteen distinct indigenous groups, each with its own language, customs, and territories. In the earliest years of the col- ony, the Spanish were attracted by reports of gold, and following the usual pattern, they exploited ethnic and geographical divisions to establish co- lonial rule. The local Indians- dominated by the Mixtecos and Zapotecs, but also with significant populations of Chatinos, Amuzgos, Chontales, and others-were forced to relocate into towns.

Arriving with their horses and mules, which became important sym- bols of power, the Spanish forced the remaining Indians off the best coastal lands. The greatly reduced indigenous population relocated in the hills further inland. The fall in coastal population was so precipitous that, by 1560, the landholders began to import black slaves. By 1600 ranchers had taken the most accessible areas of the coast, and many installed black ranch hands and foremen to run them. The figure of the vaquero negro, or "black cowboy," became a Costa Chica archetype, both feared and held in awe by his Indian neighbors. The relative isolation of the coast offered ref- uge to escaped slaves or cimarrones, and Indians were further displaced when these runaways established small communities in remote areas. De- spite much intermarrying among the different populations, distinct com- munities of Afro-Mexicans and various indigenous groups continue to the present. Meanwhile, trade with the Orient and the diminished indigenous populations led to the import of Filipino, Chinese, and Malaysian work- ers, lumped together in the category "chino." After 1700, as the Spanish abandoned agriculture, the "chinos" initiated massive production of cot- ton and rice (Widmer 1990, 93). Evidence of these cycles of boom and bust is found in the abandoned ruins of haciendas and processing plants for lemon oil, sugarcane, cotton, and other products. Through it all, though, ranching has remained a primary economic activity.

The coastal regions spreading outward from Acapulco, then, were probably the most diverse in Mexico, inhabited by different indigenous groups, African descendants, Asians, and Europeans, as well as many of their mixtures. Distrust, friction, and separation between the coastal peoples and the altiplano population dated back to the Triple Alliance, even before the arrival of Europeans. During the colonial era many of the encomenderos and contratistas chose to reside in the fashionable comfort of the inland cities rather than on what they considered a disease-infested tropical coast. In the eighteenth century, the Bourbon reforms intended to centralize authority actually had the opposite effect: the introduction of the intendancy system (1784) dividing New Spain into twelve admin- istrative zones increased the power of local and regional oligarchies. The centrifugal forces of regionalism grew further after independence as local caudillos and caciques gained in power and on the national level vying fac- tions attempted to control the vast territories loosely called Mexico. More- over, the Costa Chica not only was relatively isolated from the interior but also, since the earliest years of the colony, had been connected to Central America, Peru, and Chile, as well as the Orient. This peripheral yet out- ward perspective may have contributed to the receptiveness of Costa Chica residents to the transplantation of a foreign and more cosmopolitan cul- tural import from South America.

Arrival

While most accounts agree that the chilena was brought to the Pacific coast of Guerrero and Oaxaca by Chilean sailors in the nineteenth cen- tury, many different theories, stories, and myths circulate regarding the details. Four of the most telling and widely circulating narratives are the following:

1. The ship Araucano, part of the escuadra chilena led by Lord Cochrane, delivered the chilena to Acapulco on January 25, 1822.

2. In Sola de Vega, a municipality in the mountainous region on the road from Puerto Escondido to Oaxaca City, a friendship between a local resident and an unnamed Chilean officer (during the Second Intervention of 1863-67) led to a reunion years later in 1880. During a party lasting several days, the sailors taught their Oaxacan friends the cueca while sharing a volatile mix of Chilean wine and Soltecan mezcal.

3. A Chilean or Peruvian ship capsized or ran aground on the Costa Chica and the stranded sailors brought the cueca.

4. During the gold rush in the late 1840s, the chilena arrived along with the heavy traffic of miners, equipment, and gold between Cali- fornia and Chile as ships stopped at various ports in the Costa Chica for supplies.

Araucano Theory

The first story, of the ship Araucano, was considered to have settled the or- igins controversy for a time, after appearing in Moisés Ochoa Campos's 1987 study La chilena guerrense and being seized upon by the musicolo- gists Thomas Stanford and Gabriel Moedano Navarro.8 The evidence sup- porting this claim seems to rely on a single paragraph in López Urrutia's 1971 book La escuadra chilena en México. Here the author's description of a multicultural festivity of "gringos, huasos, rotos, huachinangos and chinos" drinking, making music, and sharing the cueca clearly situates the chilena's roots in a process of populist transnationalism. However, it seems unlikely that the arrival of the chilena could be pinpointed to such an exact date or that it could have been so effectively transplanted during such a brief encounter. In fact, Cochrane's journals make no mention of this incident, and the entire story may simply be a creative embellishment intended to bolster the Chilean author's argument that the chilena was his nation's "gift" to Mexico in celebration of the countries' near-simultaneous independence in 1822.9 As discussed further later in this article, it is gen- erally accepted that the zamacueca had not even arrived in Santiago until more than a year later, in 1823-24. Despite the obvious problems with this theory, it is still widely cited in the literature and repeated by scholars and musicians.10

Sola de Vega Theor y

Also based on a short encounter, the origin narrative told by soltecos (resi- dents of Sola de Vega, a sprawling rural municipio in the Sierra del Sur) is one of the most detailed. According to an oral history that has been passed down through several generations,11 in 1866, as General Porfirio Díaz passed through Sola de Vega on his way to his victorious battle against Maximiliano's forces in Miahuatlán, he recruited a young solteco named Martínez Golpar. Within Díaz's ranks the youth became friends with var- ious Chileans who had joined the fight against the French imperialists. At the end of the war, they agreed to stay in contact with each other. A dozen years later, in 1879, Martínez Golpar received news that one of the chilenos, then a captain of a coastal trading vessel that frequented "all the ports of any importance from Chile to San Francisco," would be in Puerto Minizo the following year.12 A small group of soltecos made the arduous journey to the coast (a six-hour trip over mountainous roads even today). First the Soltecan delegation played regional sones such as "La langora," "La Chicharra," "El toro rabón," and "Las calandrias" that were danced "in cuadrillas" by Soltecan boys and girls supplemented with a few local costeños. Then the captain enlisted several of his sailors to demonstrate the "cueca chilena," with one of the sailors taking on the role of the woman in some borrowed petticoats. The soltecos responded "ecstatically," and they implored the Chileans to repeat their performances so that they could learn the music and dance. This crash course in cueca continued over the following two or three days. Martínez Golpar and his entourage returned to Sola de Vega, where they taught "arrieros [mule drivers], musicians and singers to play and dance these chilenas. The arrieros learned them with enthusiasm and became maestros de chilenas, spreading them wide and far on their routes throughout the Oaxacan coast" (García Arreola [1994?], 12-15). From Pinotepa Nacional, today considered by many to be the most important center of the chilena (and to Pinotepans, the real cradle of the chilena oaxaqueña), other mule drivers picked it up and spread it through- out the rest of Guerrero to Acapulco and beyond. Unlike the explicit pop- ulism of the narrative of the esquadra chilena, this story situates the initiative for the cultural exchange in the upper-class officers before its dissemination by the plebian arrieros. Amid the wealth of details in this oral history, perhaps the most telling is the close juxtaposition of regional sones and the chilena. Indeed, most of the sones named in this story (e.g., "El toro rabón," "Las calandrias") are now performed as chilenas (for ex- amples, see Moreno Quiroz 2ooi[?]).

Shipwreck Theory

According to Baltazar Velasco, a respected chilena authority and musi- cian who runs a small shop and studio specializing in Costa Chica music and cultural artifacts in Pinotepa Nacional, the most widespread ver- sion in the region is that of a Chilean ship run aground (quoted in García Arreola 1994[?], 17). Unlike the previous origin myths, this story is sparse on details, although some versions place the shipwreck in specific locales. One such story locates the event at Punto Maldonado near the border of Guerrero and Oaxaca and close to several important Afro-Mexican com- munities. While, as we have seen, slaves were brought to the ranches in the coastal regions early in the colonial period, costeños prefer two alter- native explanations for the significant black presence in the Costa Chica: cimarronaje (communities of escaped slaves) and the shipwreck of a vessel carrying slaves.13 Both these narratives emphasize freedom and individu- alism rather than servitude of the vaqueros negros and other black ranch hands to their masters. Father Glynn Jemmot, a Trinidadian priest sta- tioned in the small Afro-Mexican village of El Ciruelo (an agencia about forty minutes outside Pinotepa near the border with Guerrero), has de- scribed the artesa, an inverted trough upon which an Afro-Mexican vari- ant of the chilena is danced, as symbolic of an overturned ship. In the view of anthropologist Laura Lewis, these slave-ship myths have served the dual purpose of depicting blacks as latecomers or interlopers to the Costa Chica (from the Indians' point of view) and of representing the Costa Chica as symbolic of freedom (from the African descendants' point of view).14 As discussed further later, many scholars agree that the cueca, if not an African-derived form, at the very least absorbed important Afro-Peruvian influences. Theories involving shipwrecked slaves from South America along with the documented presence of sailors, servants, and slaves of Af- rican descent on ships plying the coastal waters as far back as the early co- lonial period bolster connections of the chilena to black costeños.

Gold-Rush Theory

When news of the discovery of gold in California broke in 1848, Latinos on the Pacific coast from Mexico to Chile were among the first to respond. With their mining experience and relative geographical proximity to Cal- ifornia, Chileans and Peruvians were able to get a head start on mining operations before many in the United States. In fact, many would-be min- ers on the East Coast who chose to take the sea route around Cape Horn were required to stop in Chile on their way to California. Traffic was in- tense, particularly northward from along the Pacific coast, as sailing crews jumped ship to remain in California. By the end of 1849, nearly one hun- dred ships of Chilean registry lay rotting in San Francisco's harbor. Those ships that did return to Chile brought not only news of lucrative finds but also sizable portions of the precious metal that were sold at tremendous profit on the Chilean market. Ports along Mexico's Costa Chica provided water, food, and other supplies to the passing vessels.

In one of the first scholarly articles on the Mexican chilena, Vicente Mendoza (1948, 8) noted that the geographical distribution of the chilena, centering on Acapulco and covering "all the coast from Sinaloa to Oaxaca," provided "a clear and eloquent proof of its indicated provenance." Though not nearly as popular as in Oaxaca and Guerrero, chilenas are still heard in the Costa Grande of Guerrero and Tierra Caliente of Michoacán, where they may be performed on traditional instruments such as the harp. Bol- stering his diffusionist, kulturkreis origin theory, Mendoza proffers the testimony of Elena Landázuri, a respected Mexican researcher and early feminist indigenista whose father was involved in bringing miners from Valparaíso to Acapulco and California. By her account, he often sang many songs that he learned in Chile that she later recognized as chilenas. While this personal testimony may not prove the origins of the chilena, it illustrates the importance of maritime musical encounters that undoubt- edly factored into the rapid spread of transnational musical genres.

In fact, that the zamacueca or chilena reached even further north is ev- ident in the chronicles of contemporary observers among the gold min- ers in California. For example, a Canadian entrepreneur who arrived in the territory soon after California's appropriation from Mexico under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) admiringly described in his journal a "samacueca" during a fandango at the home of a Chilean immigrant in Sonora, California, on June 9, 1850 (William Perkins, in Morgan and Scobie 1964, 163). Moreover, perhaps lending even more support to the gold-rush thesis, its timing coincides with the relatively brief period when the cueca was identified by the label "chilena," even in Peru. In recent years, at least among scholars, discourse seems to have come full circle as the gold-rush theory has again become the prevalent view.15

What has escaped many writers and proponents of these various or- igin stories is that they are not mutually exclusive. The music and cho- reography, as well as the reception of the "chilena" as a named category, could have had multiple arrivals among different ethnic groups and social classes over a long period of time. What all these accounts have in com- mon is the rhetorical strategy to situate certain populations and locali- ties nearer to the source of chilena. Outspoken regionalistas like Ochoa Campos link the chilena to the carving out of the state of Guerrero from former territories of Estado de México, Puebla, and Michoacán in the pe- riod after independence. Soltecos, Pinotepans, pueblos negros, and other Oaxacan communities claim a direct connection to the chilena's South American roots. Linking local musical traditions to an extranational source reinforced regional particularism while obscuring some of the ru- ral, lower-class associations of sones.

Zamacueca-Cueca-Chilena-Marinera

Like the arrival of the chilena in Mexico, various constituencies have claimed credit for the birth of the zamacueca in South America. While many scholars agree that the form originated in Peru and spread through Chile and northwestern Argentina before eventually returning to Peru as the chilena or marinera, others have argued for an independent parallel development in Chile. Regardless, many of the same discursive formations appear on either side of the dispute, as the zamacueca's origins have been variously described as mestizo-European, African, and pre-Columbian.

The Argentine musicologist Carlos Vega (1944) situated the zama- cueca's origins in the cancionero ternario colonial, a collection of essentially Iberian-derived genres radiating from Lima and spreading throughout the Hispanic Pacific, south to Chile and north as far as Mexico. Vega de- scribes this western cancionero as absorbing virtually no African influence and few indigenous musical practices, despite these populations' very sig- nificant numbers.16 The cueca, according to Vega (1944, 190), was unique in that the combination of triple and duple rhythms became "a resource consciously applied and enjoyed." Here, the metric mixtures "over the rasgueo accompaniment reach a notable originality and beauty . . . beyond compare." Vega's racial blinders have caused some of his ideas to be widely discredited. Clearly, his perspective is incompatible with current tenden- cies to automatically attribute polymeter to African influence.

Explicitly countering Vega's theories, the Peruvian historian Fernando Romero (1940, 82) posited African roots for the zamacueca. Slaves accom- panied the original Spanish conquerors in 1529, and colonial Peru became an important supplier of slaves to other colonies of the Pacific coast un- til the institution was abolished in 1854-55. Among the many similarities to the Costa Chica, Peruvian blacks were more acculturated in Spanish language and customs than indigenous groups and were feared by Indi- ans for their role in helping suppress indigenous revolts. Proponents of the African roots of the zamacueca not only cite musical features such as polymeter but also find support in etymologies and dance patterns. Romero related the zamacueca to an earlier Afro-Peruvian genre named zamba. He believed this term derived from an Angolan word quizomba, denoting a pelvic thrust (Romero 1940, 94). Accordingly, the zamacueca was related to a family of similar African-descended couple dances like the Cuban rumba with its vacunao, the Brazilian samba with its umbigada (called a semba in parts of West Africa), and the Afro-Uruguyan calinda or caringa. Romero (1940, 89) points to many references on the participation of blacks by contemporary travelers and writers. In lower-class callejones of Lima, well into the twentieth century, blacks continued to be recognized as the preeminent performers and interpreters of the zamacueca's descen- dant, the marinera, and related forms such as the vals (Tompkins 1981, 82; Feldman 2006, 20-21; Mann 2003, 2, 95).

A nativist theory was promoted by the Peruvian historian Rómulo Cúneo Vidal, who argued that the zamacueca descended from an Incan dance and other pre-Conquest cultural forms. The name is said to derive from the Quechua word samay, which means "break" or "rest." During the colony, after a week of hard work, the master, his servants, and his depen- dents would gather for a samacuiqui, or party. Accordingly, the lively dance associated with these festivities became known as the zamacueca (Cúneo Vidal 1977, 281-82; 1978, 526-27). Support for this argument also relies on iconographic evidence found on huacos, or earthen vessels depicting figures in positions similar to dancing couples in the zamacueca. This or- igin story, often labeled the "Peruvian" theory, can be found on numer- ous websites that promote Peruvian music and culture. While connecting the original source of the zamacueca to pre-Hispanic indigenous cultures, most proponents of this theory do not deny later African influence in cre- ating this criollo form.17

Switching for the moment to the Chilean perspective, which often ar- gues that the Chilean cueca developed independently from the Peruvian zamacueca, we find exact corollaries to Africanist, nativist, and mestizo origin theories, but connected to local populations.18 Vega (1953, 70), cit- ing the memoirs of the Chilean musician and composer José Zapiola, places the arrival of the zamacueca peruana in Santiago in the mid- 1820s. In this oft-quoted passage Zapiola explains, "When I left in March 1824 [for Argentina] this dance was unknown, on my return in May 1825 I found myself with this novelty."19 According to Vega, the cueca's mu- sical development occurred more in urban areas among upper classes, though eventually it became associated with huasos (campesinos) and rotos (working-class urbanites) as lower classes imitated the elites. It is worth pointing out that social elites simply might have not noticed the new form, especially if it were present only in the lower-class barrios. In any event, after the limeño style spread to Chile, and a received a boost from Peruvian exiles in Chile during the Peru-Bolivian Confederation of 1836- 39, the Chilean style of zamacueca returned to Peru, where it became known as the chilena. Romero (1940, 108) cites an advertisement in Lima that mentions the zamacueca chilena de salón or the zamacueca chilena de sociedad as early as 1862, and Tompkins (1981, 83) notes "numerous refer- ences thereafter that make a distinction between the zamacueca chilena and the zamacueca peruana." Then, in 1879, during the War of the Pacific, for patriotic reasons (national musics and dances cannot bear the names of mortal enemies) it was officially rechristened the marinera, in honor of the Peruvian navy, by Abelardo Manuel Gamarra Rondó, or "El Tunante" (Romero 1940, 107; Tompkins 1981, 84-85, 220).

The 1840s were a critical period in the development of the concept of la nación in Chile. As Christian Spencer Espinosa (2007, 167) observes, the zamacueca chilena was a central performance genre in the coalescing na- tional imaginary that cut across social classes. As evidenced in accounts of travelers, newspapers, postcards, and other media, the cueca quickly became regarded as the Chilean national dance.20 Distinctive styles had evolved in the different Andean countries. Sheet music helped spread the genre's popularity among the region's upper classes as composers pub- lished zamacuecas and cuecas, and the genre also thrived in oral cul- ture. During the late nineteenth century and well into the twentieth, the cueca may have also circulated in Mexico in printed form as well as by oral transmission.21

By the time the cueca would have arrived on the shores of the Costa Chica in the mid-nineteenth century, many variants existed in South America. As we have already seen, none of the accounts provides much detail as to the specific musical traits or repertoire being passed along. In- deed, given the extensive trade along the Pacific coast, other related genres of music and dance probably had been circulating between the virreinatos much earlier, as Carlos Ruiz Rodríguez (2008) has proposed. The metric, rhythmic, and dance patterns found in the Peruvian, Chilean, and Mexi- can iterations of the zamacueca complex and also present in Colombian and Ecuadorian genres such as currulao and bambuco strongly suggest a common underlying Afro-Hispanic Pacific musical heritage.

Still, other than general similarities in meter, accompaniment, and scansion, only a few specific references to the southern continent have been identified in the music of the Costa Chica. The appearance of the word samba in the refrains of "El toro rabón" is an oft-cited example (see Llerenas, Lieberman, and Ramírez de Arellano 1985, 16-17). The lyrics of a contemporary chilena may indicate a developing awareness of the South American connection. The following verse is heard on a chilena record- ing I purchased in a tianguis (market stall) in Pinotepa Nacional in 2005:

La chilena es una música tan bella y tan bravía,

Ella llegó de Sudamérica desde aquella lejanía

Quedó como distintivo en la costa chica mía.22

Despite this clear reference, it is likely that many listeners are unaware of the connection (just as many Chileans are unfamiliar with the cueca's links to the zamacueca and marinera).

While today many scholars and collectors see the Costa Chican chilena as a type of Mexican son, few early researchers considered it such.23 Mendoza's 1948 article makes no mention of son. Perhaps because Mendoza was writing for a Chilean journal, he seems more concerned with dispelling any doubts about its South American origins. Neverthe- less, he takes note of acquired Mexican elements:

Maybe the identity of these songs would be denied outright and even their ancestry doubted, but to the objections that may arise can be made the following observation: a genre transported to distant lands in a diverse environment for more than three quarters of a century, must necessarily have acquired new nuances and even new features, accord- ing to the lands where it has rooted. (Mendoza 1948, 14-15)

While Mendoza implies that the chilena may have sounded more like the cueca in the midcentury nearer its time of arrival, it remains an open question whether the early "chilena" might have always sounded more similar to Mexican genres such as the son, particularly when played by Mexican musicians. One of the earliest examples of a chilena appeared in a 1915 article in Journal of American Folklore. The collector (from the United States) presents a transcription of a chilena along with four other dances "familiar among the half-breeds" in Oaxaca. Concluding that two of the songs have Spanish origins, the author finds the other three to be "pure Mexican, although the name 'Chilena' would suggest a South-American origin; but of that the transcriber has been able to find no proof" (Hague 1915, 379). In any event, by the mid-1970s formalist conceptions of both the son and the chilena had solidified to the point that Stanford (1977, 9) could pronounce confidently: "The chilena is, generically speaking, a type of son."

The Chilena Complex: Genre and Subgenre

To some extent, just as dance genres are constrained within certain boundaries of tempo, meter, and rhythm, subgenres are coterminous with instrumentation or timbre. In this sense, most of the constituent genres of chilena also could be referred to as styles. Like all such taxonomies, the following scheme is far from clean and neat-there are many overlaps, ex- ceptions, and inconsistencies. Chilena repertories also could be grouped according to other criteria-geographical and ethnic distribution, social class and function, as well as lyrical content, dance style, dress, and other elements. The discussion that follows is shaped mostly by formalistic mu- sical concerns, although care is taken to note congruencies with other fac- tors where they are particularly significant.

While the sesquiáltera is fundamental to many son genres, it seems even more highly developed in the chilena. As Mendoza (1948, 3) observed in his short chilena article: "The principal characteristic of the chilena lies in its rhythmic richness, as much in the melody as in the accompaniment, appearing in the frequent conflict of the combination of the two meters 6/8 and 3/4." Mendoza waxed poetic on how these "moments of conflict," like "shadows passing over light" (3), can occur from measure to measure, between the melody and the accompaniment, within the accompaniment between different instrumentalists, or even between the percussionists. In his first example, a transcription of "La sanmarqueña" from the Costa Chica in Guerrero, during the verse the accompaniment alternates be- tween 3/4 and 6/8 every measure (see musical example 1). During the chorus the melody, which is predominately in 3/4, is set against an accom- paniment in 6/8.

Chilenas as performed today, especially those in the conjunto tropical format, seem even more rooted in exploiting these "conflicts" or cross- meters. In fact, some chilena tropical and the Afro-Mexican artesa could be said to be truly polymetric in the sense of establishing a constant "two against three." The accompaniment in the 6/8 measures reveals basic rhythmic similarities to Spanish guajira and bolero. These rasgueo fig- urations, discussed further later, while also found in much son from the regions north of the Costa Chica (son calentano, son jaliciense, and son michoacano), are even more emphasized in most chilenas.

Chilena tempos range from approximately 140 bpm to 188 bpm. Many informants claim that tempos are faster on the coast. While this is con- gruent with other stereotypes about costeños, such as their greater pas- sion, sexuality, or "hot-bloodedness," faster tempos have not been borne out in my research. In some styles of chilena, particularly in orquestas and bandas of the Sierra del Sur, the chilena proper is followed by a faster section called the son or son corrido, in which the tempo can easily ex- ceed 200 bpm. These faster sections are reminiscent of the fuga section heard in many marineras and may be a vestige of these and other Andean genres (Stanford 1977, 15).

Five basic subgenres of chilena coexist among the various demograph- ics of the Costa Chica: cantada, orquesta, banda, conjunto or banda tropical, and artesa. These categories are supported ethnographically in statements by musicians, listeners, and in the media by such prominent authorities as Baltazar Velasco and Chilena Elena, a well-known radio deejay in Puerto Escondido.24 While he does not present a formal taxonomy, Moedano Navarro (1996) discusses in similar terms his field recordings made be- tween 1967 and 1981 and released on the album Soy el negro de la Costa.25

Chilena cantada

The primarily chordophone instrumentation of chilena cantada yields a sonic texture not unlike traditional Mexican regional son forms, which makes it the chilena subgenre most likely to be represented in son anthol- ogies. Today, groups typically include one or more guitars, a requinto (a small guitar tuned a fourth higher), and often a contrabass. Archaic forms are thought to have used harp, violin, and bajo quinto, as well as other lute-type instruments. While the harp remained common in the Costa Grande, Tierra Caliente, and areas north of Acapulco,26 Baltazar Velasco suggested in our interview that, in the Costa Chica, the bajo quinto re- placed this instrument by taking over the lower melodic range. Similarly, the requinto has assumed much of the melodic role of the violin by playing the introductions and the instrumental interludes. Velasco links the emer- gence of this format in the chilena to the popularity of trios such as Los Panchos. From the mid-1940s to the mid-1960s, considered the golden age of trios, these groups were prominent fixtures on national radio and in the burgeoning Mexican cinema industry. Accompanying themselves on guitars and requinto, the trios sang a mixed repertoire of ranchera, canción romántica, and bolero. As in other trova genres, according to Velasco, the main purpose of chilena cantada is to bohemiar, "to be in an ambience of song and verse." Songs commonly celebrate specific localities and the sen- suousness of the inditas and morenas who inhabit them. Velasco and other composers frequently imbue their songs with idiomatic expressions and vocabulary specific to the Costa Chica.27

Another leading chilenero, Higinio Peláez Ramos, is a performer, teacher, and promoter of traditional chilena who contributes a regular col- umn, "Cultura popular de la Costa Chica," to the local periodical El faro de la Costa Chica. Peláez, affirming that rhythm defines genre, cautions the listener and musician to respect generic categories and call each thing by its proper name. He provides the example of "La zandunga," which, as per- formed in the Costa Chica, is no longer a waltz but has become a chilena.28 Peláez includes transcriptions of three of the most typical accompaniment patterns, or rasgueos, played on the guitar, in the liner notes of one of his CDs (see musical example 2). The bordoneo, or quasi-improvised melodic lines usually played on the lower guitar strings or bajo quinto, according to Peláez, is done at "the pleasure of the guitarist."

Velasco and Peláez follow the tradition of the most celebrated chilenero and Costa Chica native son, Álvaro Carrillo, who was born in 1921 in nearby San Juan Cacahuatepec, Oaxaca. This Afro-mestizo musician com- posed more than three hundred songs, including boleros, bambucos, paso dobles, and rancheras, as well as chilenas. Many of his songs are odes to the Costa Chican countryside, its towns and the beauty of its women, as exemplified in his venerable anthem "Pinotepa," probably the most re- corded and popular chilena of all time. Accompanying himself on gui- tar, the singer appeared widely on radio, television, and in major venues, achieving national and international recognition before his tragic death in an automobile accident on a highway outside Mexico City in 1969.

Chilena cantada is promoted by an active group of enthusiasts in con- certs, at folkloric festivals, and in more intimate settings for family and friends. Since 1984, an annual festival in Jamiltepec celebrates the music and dance of the chilena every November (see figure 1). The high point is a competition in which a panel of judges chooses the best performances of original compositions in the cantada style. As is common in chilena and son compositions, the songs feature new texts on preexisting melo- dies and harmonies.

Chilena cantada is atypical among chilena subgenres in that it is in- tended more for listening than dancing. Nevertheless, Baltazar Velasco has attempted to further develop this style by melding the dance rhythms of the orchestras and bands with the trova style:

I taught myself much of the orchestral music and became familiar with the chilena cantada of the time. I'm talking about the fifties: like Álvaro Carrillo, like Agustín Ramírez, like Vidal Ramírez, like Ismael Añorve. These were chileneros when I was a kid. But despite having a rhyth- mic pace, a tasty rhythm, it didn't speak to me as when I hear the or- questa. . . . These chilenas sounded to me very waltz-like. So I started trying to play traditional chilenas to a livelier, more aggressive rhythm, using, without straying from the meter, the [orquesta] patterns that are necessary in the chilena.

Tellingly, these rapid triplet rhythms that Velasco finds essential to the orquesta-style chilena are heard primarily in mestizo orquestas and are largely absent in indigenous orquestas. The appeal of these rhythms re- flects the tendency of chilena cantada musicians of the Costa Chica to highlight the mestizo and Afro-Mexican cultural aspects of the chilena.

Orquesta

Though in decline, the orquesta form of chilena is still heard in the coastal regions and in nearby mountainous areas. In general, orquestas are smaller than bandas and often include string instruments such as vio- lin, contrabass, and guitars. They also tend to emphasize woodwinds (sax- ophones and clarinets) over brass. Figure 2 shows an orquesta in Sola de Vega in 1929. In his annotations to a collection of field recordings made in the Costa Chica between 1956 and 1963, Stanford (1977, 14) describes the orquesta as comprising clarinet, saxophone, trombone, contrabass, and drums. His 1962 recording of the chilena "María Palitos" in Pinotepa Nacional features a seven-piece orquesta, Ecos del Sur. In figure 3 an or- questa can be seen accompanying the delegation from Santa Catarina Juquila during the Guelaguetza Popular (an alternative to the official or "commercial" Guelaguetza) in Oaxaca in 2009.

One of the main musical differences between the orquesta and banda chilena can be heard in the accompaniment. Because of the smaller num- ber of wind instruments, chordal accompaniment, if any, is provided by guitar (and occasionally keyboard). In many of the most rudimentary groups, there is no chordal or bass accompaniment at all-the saxophones and brass take turns playing melodies, often in unison, occasionally set in parallel thirds or sixths, accompanied only by the drums. Because of the similar ensemble textures and somewhat looser arrangements, in con- temporary groups that play chilenas, musicians can pass quite easily be- tween orquestas and conjuntos. These musicians, as Moedano Navarro (1996) also noted, often are able to read music, whereas today banda-style musicians more commonly learn their parts by ear and through exten- sive rehearsal. In Pinotepa Nacional, recordings of orquesta chilena are heard frequently in the concha, or plaza. After school and on weekends, teachers train groups of school-age children in the basic steps and large- scale choreography common in folkloric presentations. When they reach the zapateo sections, the percussive rhythms of their footwork mixed with the snare drum echo resoundingly under the tin roof of the dance area. The orquesta style of chilena that B alt azar Velas co heard so fre- quently as a child has become less pervasive as many young men have left for Mexico City or the United States to seek work and musicians have become scarcer. As audiences have turned to louder entertainment, orquestas have been supplanted by bandas, with their large complement of brass instruments. Orquestas also face competition from sonideros, or deejays, and modern electric conjuntos specializing in cumbia, norteno, and other "national" genres. In the Costa Chica the most informal units sometimes are rather derogatively referred to as chile frito. As many of the older, more established orquestas have disappeared, children have taken on a greater role. This is not seen as a departure from earlier practice, as orquestas (and other ensembles) traditionally have served as valuable mu- sic education programs.

In the town of Tezoatlán de Segura y Luna in the Mixteca Baja, not far from the border between Oaxaca and Guerrero, a graduate of the national conservatory in Mexico City trained in ethnomusicology, Rubén Luengas, seeks to revive the traditional indigenous orchestra. His Pasatono Orquesta has performed frequently in Oaxaca's capital, as well as in Mex- ico City; in Washington, DC, at the National Museum of the American Indian; and at New York's Lincoln Center. Pasatono comprises two vio- lins, one or two clarinets, baritone horn, string bass, drum set, and two primary vocalists, who play various stringed instruments, such as guitar, jarana, bajo quinto, and banjo. Luengas's efforts go well beyond establish- ing the orquesta and composing and arranging music. He believes that to revive the traditional orquesta mixteca, the entire music economy must be rebuilt, including instrument making, pedagogy, and performances dur- ing important fiestas and community events. Many of the string instru- ments used by Luengas are handmade in his workshop, which adjoins his ancestral home. Luengas's project does not attempt to reconstruct some idealized "folkloric" representation of the traditional orquesta. Much like the traditional orquestas, his repertoire features songs influenced by cin- ema, circus music, popular singers, and even 1920s and 1930s jazz.

Orquestas can be heard on La otra chilena (Luengas Pérez 2009), a compilation of chilenas that Luengas has put together from various eth- nic groups around Oaxaca, including Mixtecos, Amuzgos, Chatinos, Tlapanecos, Nahuas, Afro-mestizos, and Triquis. Unlike mestizo genres, whose texts are in Spanish, many of these chilenas are sung in Indian languages. Indigenous chilenas tend to emphasize sesquiáltera less, and as Luengas notes, they can be distinguished from mestizo chilena by the absence of the rapid triplet figurations discussed earlier. The Mixt ecan term for chilena, yaa si, can be literally translated as "música alegre." Much like the etymological explanations for the origins of the zamacueca, Luengas believes that the term chilena could have resulted from linguis- tic confusion in translating the Mixtecan word for music, yaa, and the very similar-sounding word for chile (the pepper, not the country), ya'a.29 Not surprisingly, Luengas criticizes scholarship that excludes indigenous genres and ignores native classificatory terms (Luengas Pérez 2009).

Banda

The next subgenre, the banda style of chilena, is ubiquitous in the moun- tainous regions and valles centrales. Evolving from capillas de viento, or wind chapels, which were formed in towns and villages all over Oaxaca in response to the anticlerical laws of the mid-nineteenth century (Navarrete Pellicer 2001), banda instrumentation has become more standardized in recent decades, probably because of the influence of banda sinaloense. Since the 1990s, this northern Mexican genre has become a popular national and transnational music (see Simonett 2001). Typically, these groups com- prise fifteen instruments grouped in threes: three trumpets, three trom- bones, and three woodwinds (often doubling on clarinet and saxophone), supported by three lower brass, consisting of two E-flat alto horns and tuba. The music is propelled rhythmically by two percussionists, one play- ing tarola (snare drum), a crash cymbal, and often a timbale, and the other playing a bass drum and pair of cymbals. When amplification is available, typically at fiestas, a vocalist joins the group. The sound of most bandas is dominated by the tuba, sometimes made even louder by a microphone suspended inside its bell. Unlike the saxophones, trumpets, and trom- bones, which alternate in playing the melodies, the lower brass play con- tinuous accompaniment patterns. The absence of string instruments (which would be barely audible in street festivities) and the portability of the percussion (tarola and bass drum players as opposed to drum set) make the banda subgenre ideal for calendas and street processions during fiestas.

As can be seen in the transcription in musical example 5, the baritone horn parts don't require much facility-they often repeat just two or three notes for an entire song. The rhythmic patterns, though mind-numbingly repetitive, are more complicated than the simple oompah figures of banda and reproduce the strummed rasgueo guitar and jarana parts of tradi- tional chilena. Of course, wind instrumentalists need to breathe, and the rest on beat one allows air intake. While the influence of banda seems clear, the melodic instruments use vibrato more sparingly than in banda sinaloense, where the slow, shimmering vibrato is a signature element of the style.

The percussionists, besides reinforcing the constantly shifting sesquiál- tera, provide much of the dynamic excitement, often resting for the first iteration of a verse and reentering forcefully on its repeat. Cymbal crashes signal important structural points in the arrangement. Drum parts are closely related to the lower brass parts-the bass drum often mirrors the tuba, and the tarola player sounds a freer version of the mostly eighth-note patterns of the baritones. As can be seen in the transcription in musical example 5, five-stroke rolls accent the constant metric shifts. Orquestas use similar percussion figurations, but in keeping with the groups' smaller size, a single percussionist plays them on a basic drum set.

In many localities (but not all), the chilena ends with an energetic sec- tion called the son-or in Sola de Vega, the son corrido (musical example 6). In Los Sabinos' recording of "De los pueblitos de Sola," the tempo sud- denly changes from 136 to 184. While energizing the dancers and listen- ers, this abrupt shift can be somewhat disorienting, especially with the cross-rhythm accents played forcefully on the tarola in duple time and off- set on the "and" of one and on beat three. Often, as in this example, the rasgueo patterns are absent during the opening section of the son. Similar to the instrumental sections of the chilena proper, the saxophones, trum- pets, and trombones alternate playing the melodic passages. The label ap- plied to this differentiated section could be considered further evidence that the chilena is not a son. To Luengas Pérez (personal communication, March 2010) the logic is clear: "If the chilena were a son, how could we say that it ends with a son?"

While some bandas specializing in chilena repertoire have achieved re- gional notoriety as well as recognition in Oaxacan expatriate communities in Mexico City and the United States, many remain strictly local affairs. The continued centrality of musical activity to the social fabric of Mex- ican communities is confirmed by the support that small towns give to one or more groups. In 2006 I spent several weeks with a band in the sprawling municipio of San Miguel Sola de Vega. Los Sabinos take their name from the tiny ranchito of only ninety-nine inhabitants where the group is based. The group's leader, Don Hermilo Ríos, a former mayor (presidente municipal) of Sola de Vega, is quite literally a patriarchal figure to the much younger members of the band (several are his children and other relatives). The band was formed in 1996, when a music teacher from Zaachila (a town near Oaxaca City) was hired to come and train the local youth, a process that required about a year and a half.

Soltecos are proud of their contributions to the chilena repertoire, in particular the perennial favorite "Arrincónamela," composed by Mateo Arreola Calvo in 1920. A member of a prosperous local family, Arreola's photographed image adorns the walls of the palacio municipal. Land redis- tribution and other economic reforms of the Revolution arrived to differ- ent areas of Mexico at different times. In Sola de Vega, sometimes-violent disputes over land lasted until the 1970s. Until their decline or relocation to the cities, upper-class merchants and property owners supported musi- cal activity and enforced bourgeois musical tastes. Where orquestas were once common, chilena bandas now provide musical accompaniment to the jaripeos, or rodeos, during the fiesta patronal, the most important event in the annual cycle of celebrations. The rolling sesquiáltera and cutting brass seem to perfectly complement the elaborate choreography of the toros and their riders, and after the rider has fallen, the band breaks into the son corrido, or faster section of the chilena, as the bull handlers attempt to re- strain the bull with their lassos and the rider scrambles to safety.

"De los pueblitos de Sola" (musical examples 5 and 6), a song based on a familiar melodic and harmonic template, references the town's annual fes- tival to its patron saint, San Miguel, celebrated each September 29. Over the course of several days in 2006, Los Sabinos performed for a series of jaripeos, horse races, daytime concerts in the concha, church masses, and nighttime dances, culminating in the calenda, an all-night performance and procession through the streets of the town. Like the ancient towering cypress trees whose name they bear, Los Sabinos showed remarkable for- titude and endurance through this performance marathon. As the brass- heavy groups like Los Sabinos have displaced the smaller orquestas in this mountainous region, the violin and other string instruments, once very common, have all but disappeared. Hugo Panacho, the aging leader of Alma Solteca, formerly the leading group in Sola de Vega, complains that the new banda groups have abandoned tradition and are nothing but "a lot of noise."30 But as illustrated on the CD cover shown in figure 5, bands such as Los Sabinos clearly stake out their claim to be rightful heirs of the chilena tradition.

Artesa

A fourth style or subgenre of chilena has been revived in two Afro- Mexican communities of the Costa Chica. Once a central focus of angelito ceremonies, weddings, and other important events, this traditional mu- sic and dance of the pueblos negros vanished during the 1940s and 1950s. An older inhabitant of Juchitán, Guerrero, recalled to me that its disap- pearance coincided with the growth of radio in the region. Its name de- rives from the inverted trough fashioned from a large, hollowed-out tree trunk upon which couples take turns dancing. While similar to traditional son genres (e.g., son michoacano, son huasteco, son jarocho) in which zapateos take place on a wooden platform or tarima, the artesa produces a more muted sound because of the dancers' bare feet. What percussiveness may be lacking is more than compensated for by one or two drummers playing a cajón, which, though similar to the Peruvian version, features a membrane stretched across its top. This box-shaped frame drum is struck by the palm of the right hand and with a stick held in the left hand. One end of the artesa is carved with the head of a bull or horse, said to sym- bolize the Afro-mestizos' dominance in cattle ranching. As musical tradi- tions have been lost, in some towns only the artesa remains. In Santiago Tepextla, for example, several ancient artesas occupy a place of honor in the concha fronting the palacio municipal. In other towns, particularly where fishing was a primary activity, the artesa was danced on inverted canoes.

Carlos Ruiz Rodríguez (2001) has documented the grassroots rescate, or rescue, of the music and dance of the artesa in the community of San Nicolás, Guerrero, during the 1970s, spurred on by a reawakened invest- ment in Afro-Mexican culture and identity and nourished by a steady stream of activists together with anthropologists and other researchers. More recently, the music and dance was revived in El Ciruelo, an agencia of Pinotepa Nacional just over the state line in Oaxaca. As some of its aged practitioners have passed away in recent years, artesa is again threatened with extinction, but in Morelos, in neighboring Santa María Huazoltitlan, plans are under way to organize another group.31

As in Afro-Peruvian traditions, substantial portions of the artesa's rep- ertoire have been lost. In San Nicolás, it was possible to reconstruct only nine songs, often by relying on the memories of elderly inhabitants. To supplement these few songs, performers in San Nicolás and El Ciruelo have composed new songs or converted other repertoire. The basic instru- mentation consists of violin, vocalist, and cajón. In San Nicolás, the group includes a shaker (charasca), and in El Ciruelo, a guitar. For folkloric fes- tivals such as the Festival Costeña de la Danza in Puerto Escondido every November, the artesa must be loaded on a truck and transported to the venue. Musical example 7 gives a basic polyrhythmic pattern played on the cajón by the group from El Ciruelo that provides the underlying rhythmic foundation for the music. Improvised variations are common, especially if a second percussionist is present.32 The dancers' steps correspond closely to the drumming patterns (Ruiz Rodríguez 2001, 71; 2004, 34; Espinosa Vásquez 2003, 88-89).

As can be seen in the transcription in musical example 7, two interlock- ing patterns create a sense of both duple and triple time. The stick wielded in the right hand delineates the triple meter, and the left hand articulates a constant pulse of two against it. But the right-hand pattern also contains a duple pattern on the "and" of one and on beat three. It will be recalled that this rhythmic motive is an important feature of the son corrido sec- tion of the banda chilena (musical example 6). I have also heard drum- mers in orquestas in El Ciruelo and other coastal towns play the basic rhythm in example 7 during chilenas.

A certain ambiguity surrounds the way in which musicians in the Costa Chica refer to the musical genres connected to the artesa. In principle, any genre could be danced on the artesa, and many observers have mentioned sones as well as chilenas (Ruiz Rodríguez 2004, 26). Ruiz Rodríguez (2001, 2004) notes a tendency for people today to identify all the reper- tory as sones de artesa, a practice generally followed by Ruiz himself. Older musicians and dancers associate the artesa more with the chilena than do younger (Ruiz Rodríguez 2001, 68n2). Indeed, it seems likely that there has been a gradual decline in the competency to distinguish genres as the artesa fell out of popularity (Ruiz Rodríguez 2004, 20). Some noted the difference in the dance surfaces by distinguishing chilenas de artesa from the subgenre chilenas de tierra (Ruiz Rodríguez 2001, 20). Still others pre- fer the accurate but cumbersome "tipo chilena pero se les nombra sones" or the sublimely ambiguous "sones achilenados" (Ruiz Rodríguez 2004, 33-34). For some, the distinction between sones and chilenas depends on the structure and form of the dancing (Espinosa Vásquez 2003, 59-60). Clearly, people's attitudes and terminology regarding the artesa and its music and dance have been influenced by its revival as an important sym- bol of Afro-Mexican identity both in local celebrations and in regional and national folkloric events. As such, it is becoming less understood as a type of chilena or son and more perceived as a distinct genre in its own right.

Conjunto

The final subgenre, banda tropical or banda conjunto, is performed by smaller ensembles up and down the coast, from Acapulco to Puerto Escondido. These groups typically feature electric instruments such as keyboards, guitars, and bass, as well as drum set, percussion, and a small complement of saxophones and trumpets. Many recordings use technolog- ical innovations such as sequenced drum parts and synthesizers. Because these groups play at a variety of functions-weddings, fiestas, quinceañeras, and so forth-they must be versatile. Even conjuntos that specialize in chilenas usually play cumbia, norteño, and other popular genres. These groups and the deejays who play their music have replaced many of the traditional orquestas and conjuntos and were likely a factor in the disap- pearance of the artesa during the 1960s.

As can be seen in the transcription in musical example 8, the added percussion and polyrhythmic patterns sonically reinforce the tropical im- age cultivated by so many coastal bands and reflected in names like Mar Azul, one of the leading conjuntos. The triplet figures in the horns repro- duce the typical patterns found in mestizo orquesta and banda chilena.

This example is representative of many conjunto songs in that they es- tablish a continuous polymeter rather than alternating measures of 6/8 and 3/4. As we have seen, this constant polymeter is also present in the artesa subgenre, and the conjuntos tropicales could have absorbed this from these earlier Afro-Mexican traditions. However, given the break in the artesa tradition and the lack of recorded examples from the earlier pe- riod, it is impossible to know for certain whether these rhythmic patterns represent older styles or more recent innovations. In any event, the duple component of this polymetric foundation allows for easy incorporation of rhythmic patterns and accompaniment figurations from the ever-popular cumbia.

Besides lending a contemporary sheen to traditional repertoire, conjun- tos perform newly composed material dealing with current themes and is- sues. The following example, "La consulta amañada," was created by an anonymous composer for the "liberated" radio stations during the social and political conflict in Oaxaca during 2006. This verse ridicules the gov- ernor, Ulises Ruiz, for begging federal officials in Mexico City to restore him to power. The opening lines are spoken over the track in the typical manner of a saludo sonidero often heard in Mexican cumbia:

Spoken: iY esta va pa' todos los compas en pie de lucha

Y duro contra URO [Ulises Ruiz Ortiz]

No se rajen, compas!

Verse: En gobernación el viernes

Ulises pidió clemencia

Suplicándole a Abascal un tiempo más en la fiesta

Ya que estaba muy seguro que la consulta daría

El resultado esperado que el maestro se vendería.

Spoken: iA los compañeros marchistas

Ni el sudor, ni el cansancio, adelante compas!

As can be seen in the transcription in musical example 9, the triplet figures (here played on a synthesizer) are placed over a constant two-against-three polymetric percussion track. In addition to its "techno" sound through the use of drum machines, sampled horns, and electronic sequencers and ef- fects, this subgenre shows the obvious influence of "tropical" genres such as salsa and merengue in addition to cumbia. For example, keyboard play- ers have adapted guajeos from Cuban dance music and salsa. Some younger players, especially saxophonists and trumpeters, show an obvious inter- est in jazz through extended improvised solos during live performances. While all chilena subgenres have been influenced by other genres, clearly the conjunto style has undergone the most hybridization.

Conclusion

Wherever the chilena and its related South American forms took root in the Hispanic Pacific, debates over origins and relationships to national and regional identities have followed familiar patterns. Africanist, na- tivist, and mestizo origin theories have reflected the claims of various populations.

Despite these similar discursive formations, in South America the zamacueca followed a very different trajectory from that of the chilena in Mexico. During the second half of nineteenth century, the zamacueca be- came part of official national cultures, adopted in literary, dramatic, and other artistic expression. In Chile it was widely disseminated in articles, novels, plays, sheet music, collections of lyrics, photographs, paintings, and other media. Peruvian musicians composed and arranged marineras for the piano to be performed in the concert hall or salon. In Mexico the chilena remained primarily an oral and regional expression. As such, its more "folkloric" forms were easily included with other regional genres in the construction of a national mestizo son tradition.

In many respects, the chilena has benefited from not being explicitly labeled "son." In contrast to most son genres (son jalisciense a possible exception, after its rebranding as mariachi), the "chilena" has thrived as vital popular music by remaining fluid, flexible, and adaptable, borrow- ing elements from other popular musics such as the trios, banda sina- loense, cumbia, salsa, and jazz. Continuous polymeter in the conjunto subgenre has blurred the characteristic sesquiáltera while technological devices and electronic effects connect the genre to contemporary musi- cal sounds and social contexts. In the chilena complex, the music of the artesa maintains the most ambiguous status, with its songs as likely to be identified as sones as they are chilenas. Like the population it repre- sents-Afro-Mexican, Afro-mestizo, negro, moreno-its categorization is unclear. Previously overlooked, indigenous chilenas, such as Mixteco yaa- si, have challenged the hegemony of canonized mestizo forms.

What's in a name? Jazz historians have noted that observers and visi- tors to New Orleans around the turn of the past century never mentioned hearing a vibrant new music despite almost certainly having heard some- thing that later became identified as "jazz." Gushee (2002, 162) remarks on "the power of received categories to mold our perceptions." While ety- mological claims may lead in many different directions, the actual source of a name is less important than the act and recognition of the naming. As in jazz, the origins of the set of musical and social interactions that be- came known as the chilena probably can never be known with complete confidence. Ontologically, "chilena," like "son mexicano," is a socially con- structed category in which musical characteristics are but one aspect. Dis- puted typologies, origins, and itineraries reflect competing geographical, cultural, class, ethnic, and racial affiliations. The adaptability and per- sistence of the metrically complex and stylistically distinct forms of the chilena and its related genres in the Hispanic Pacific provide eloquent proof of their enduring vitality for creative performance of difference in these multicultural settings.

Footnote

Notes

Research for this article was supported by a Fulbright Fellowship in Mexico dur- ing 2006-7 and the Joan Smith Faculty Research Award from the University of Vermont in 2009. Funding from the University of Vermont also facilitated travel to Chile, Peru, and Colombia during 2012. I am grateful to Vicki Brennan and the anonymous readers of this journal for their comments on earlier drafts. Addi- tionally, much of the material presented here benefited from conversations with Santiago Olguín Mitchell, Christian Spencer Espinosa, Carlos Ruiz Rodríguez, Natalia Bieletto Bueno, and Rubén Luengas Pérez. Any errors, of course, remain solely my responsibility.

1. The term supergenre in reference to Mexican son appears in the influential anthology of recorded sones, Antología del son de México (1985), which were col- lected over a ten-year period (1971-81). More recently, the term has been applied by Daniel Sheehy (1998) in his article in the Garland Encyclopedia of World Music. Be- ginning with the composer Rubén M. Campos's 1928 study of traditional Mexican music, El folklore y la música mexicana, the canonization of mestizo regional son forms gradually took shape in the decades after the Revolution.

2. Following the practice of most of my informants and acquaintances in the Costa Chica, throughout this article I use the terms Afro-Mexican and, less fre- quently, Afro-mestizo, black, and negro. Such terms reflect shifting self-identifica- tion priorities and strategies. For discussion of controversies over these terms and others, see Lewis (2001).

3. In the later colonial era, touring troupes brought Spanish theater to cities throughout much of Mexico. Between acts, seguidillas, villancicos, fandangos, and other music and dance interludes from Spain were featured in short theatri- cal works. Called tonadillas escénicas, these comic operas took picaresque or satir- ical themes and dealt with lower-class figures such as peasants, gypsies, barbers, innkeepers, criminals, and rogues. As these productions became popular among audiences in New Spain, they also began to absorb local performance practices, instruments, and texts. Many of these tunes were referred to as sones.

4. For a more detailed example, see Loyola Palacios and Cádiz Valenzuela. A typical cueca song lasts only about eighty or ninety seconds. For commercial recordings, songs were often extended with instrumental introductions; with most early intercolonial commerce by 1631, a condition that lasted until the first decades of the Bourbon dynasty in the eighteenth century. In the early years of the colony, Acapulco's connection to Mexico City was more difficult than the connec- tion from Huatulco and Tehuantepec banter or dialogues between the singers, or "sketches"; or by repeating them (see González and Rolle 2005, 394- 404). Additionally, two or three cuecas might be strung together. The duration of a Mexican chilena commonly fits the standard three to four minutes of a commercial recording.

5. For detailed descriptions of some local variants, see Ochoa Campos (1987) and Fernández Gatica (1988).

6. Interview, Pinotepa Nacional, July 2009. Quotes in this article have been translated from the original Spanish by the author.

7. The restriction of entrepôt trade, the banning of direct trade between Peru and the Philippines, and the eventual complete prohibition of trade (because Peruvian silver was being diverted from the Spanish crown to China) finally ended most early intercolonial commerce by 1631, a condition that lasted until the first decades of the Bourbon dynasty in the eighteenth century. In the early years of the colony, Acapulco's connection to Mexico City was more difficult than the connection from Huatulco and Tehuantepec overland through Oaxaca or over the isthmus. Huatulco was New Spain's principal Pacific port from roughly 1537 to 1575 (Borah 1954, 22- 26, 116- 30).

8. Ochoa Campos (1987, 124- 25) also mentions that a vicar of Chilean nationality in the Tierra Caliente region of Guerrero who was also an accomplished violinist helped nurture the chilena guerrerense.

9. Thomas Cochrane (1859, 1:176- 78), in Narrative of Services in the Liberation of Chile, Peru, and Brazil, from Spanish and Portuguese Domination, briefly describes the visit to Acapulco.

10. Stanford (1977, 6) repeated this story in Música de la Costa Chica, citing Ochoa Campos. Indeed, in a 1997 review of Diccionario de música en México, Stanford chastises the author for "blithely" asserting that the chilena arrived during the gold rush after Ochoa Campos's supposed proof, "once and for all," of the escuadra chilena thesis (125). Many other scholars and writers, including the Chilean scholar Garrido (1979, 14, 46) and Moedano Navarro (1996, 36), and more recently Reyes Larrea (2008, 38) on the Mexican side, have simply echoed this story without a review of primary sources.

11. To support this story, its proponents (Soltecans, naturally) provide a clear lineage of oral history, citing how it was passed down through generations from Martínez Golpar to José Manuel Martínez (1850- 1928) to Guadalupe Francisco Martínez (1880- 1958) and eventually to Jesús Martínez Vigil.

12. Interestingly, barely a trace of Puerto Minizo remains, though it was once a thriving Costa Chican port serving the bustling commercial hub of Pinotepa Nacional about twenty-five kilometers inland.

13. This origin narrative shares obvious similarities with the oral history ac- counts of the arrival of the Garifuna on the Island of St. Vincent from a wrecked slave ship in 1675.

14. For further discussion of the slave-ship myths in relation to Afro-Mexican identity, see Laura A. Lewis (2001). Veronique Flanet's (1977) classic work Viviré si Dios quiere describes the complex relationship between the indigenous and African-descended communities.

15. For example, Daniel Sheehy (1998) presents this origin story in the Gar- land Encyclopedia.

16. For a pointed critique of Vega's racial perspective, see Pérez Fernández (1990).

17. See, for example, "Danzas peruanas," http://www.listamusicacriolla.com /bailes/marinera, and "Danzas peruanas," http://www.redperuana.com/Cultura /danzasperuanas.asp. Cúneo Vidal (1977, 282) also finds precedence for the wav- ing pañuelo in the bundles of feathers that were used to drive away flies that col- lected on mummified bodies during Incan funerary rites.

18. A fourth theory proposed by the Chilean writer Samuel Claro-Valdés (1993) links the cueca and its predecessors to the Arabic and Andalusian oral tra- ditions brought to the Americas by the Spanish colonizers. Christian Spencer Espinosa (2007) provides a summary of a similar set of theories from the Chil- ean perspective.

19. This quote, the earliest and most definitive mention of the zamacueca's or- igins in Chile, appears in practically every study of the cueca and is almost always attributed to Zapiola's ([1881] 1945) memoirs. In fact, Zapiola's words are not found in the numerous editions of his Recuerdos or in the journal La Estrella de Chile, in which Zapiola's memoirs were originally serialized (1872-74). Rather, this impor- tant reference arrives to us indirectly through Benjamin Vicuña Mackenna's (1922, 454-55) article "La zamacueca y la zanguaraña," published in 1882 in El Mercurio de Valparaíso, in which Vicuña Mackenna credits this information to a communi- cation from Zapiola.

20. Official recognition came in 1979, when Pinochet proclaimed Septem- ber 19 to be National Cueca Day.

21. A potentially fertile area for future research would be to look for evidence of the dissemination of sheet music and printed collections of zamacuecas in Mexico. Américo Paredes has provocatively suggested that "a taste for the cueca chilena, once the rage among elites throughout Latin America," might have been acquired from them by the lower classes in the Costa Chica (quoted in McDowell 2000, 121).

22. These lyrics come from a compilation of conjunto- or tropical-style chilenas simply titled Chilenas: El ritmo que pone a bailar a toda la costa. Though no infor- mation regarding the name of the group or author is provided on the CD cover, this song was originally composed by Baltazar Velasco in a chilena cantada style (discussed further later).

23. One of the first researchers to include the chilena among son types was Joseph Hellmer in his 1956 liner notes to the album Sones of Mexico (Folkways Records FW6815). His expansive view of mestizo son included gustos, zapateados, jarabes, malagueñas, valonas, and jaranas yucatecas.

24. Interview with "Chilena Elena," November 2006; interview with Baltazar Velasco, July 2009.

25. Soy el negro de la Costa . . . In the midst of his discussion of the artesa, Moedano Navarro (1996, 36) observes: "la chilena . . . se interpreta por bandas de viento, orquesta y conjuntos modernos con electófonos, así como con guitarra sexta o requinto, a los que a veces acompaña un cajón para las percusiones."

26. An exception is Cruz Grande in Guerrero, where the Hermanos Gallardo continued to use the harp in their chilenas.

27. Some of Velasco's albums contain glossaries of Costa Chican vocabulary.

28. "Guerrero, Mexico: Un paseo por las tradiciones guerrenses." http:// guerreromexico.multiply.com/journal/item/842/Cultura_Popular_de_la_Costa _Chica.

29. Personal communication, March 12, 2011.

30. Interview, September 2006.

31. In July 2009 the group was seeking permission to fell one of the remain- ing giant ceiba trees that dot the coastal landscape in order to make an artesa (per- sonal communication, Israel Reyes, July 2009).

32. Ruiz Rodríguez (2001, 70) provides a slightly different example of the cajón pattern from San Nicolás and chooses to notate the example in 12/8. Because of the prevalence of sesquiáltera in the melody, in my view, either approach is valid. For example, in Ruiz's first transcription of artesa music from San Nicolás, "Entrada," the melody alternates single measures of 6/8 and 3/4. After the cajón enters in the fourth measure, it alternates three quarter notes and six eighth notes. In a similar vein, in the opening phrases of the next song, "Mariquita," the melody alternates two measures of three-quarter time with a single measure of 6/8. All the while, the cajón maintains a steady polymetric foundation.

References

References

Borah, Woodrow. 1954. Early Colonial Trade Between Mexico and Peru. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Campos, Rubén M. 1928. El folklore y la música mexicana: Investigación acerca de la cultura en México (1525-1925). Mexico City: Secretaría de Educación Pública.

Claro-Valdés, Samuel. 1993. "Orígenes arábigo-andaluces de la cueca o chilena." Revista de Musicología 16 (4): 2027-42.

Cochrane, Thomas (Earl of Dundonald). 1859. Narrative of Services in the Libera- tion of Chile, Peru, and Brazil, from Spanish and Portuguese Domination. Vols. 1- 2. London: James Ridgway.

Cúneo-Vidal, Rómulo. 1977. Historia de la civilización peruana: Obras completas. Vol. 1. Lima: Gráfica Morsom.

_____. 1978. "Zamacueca." In Enciclopedia incana: Obras completas, Vol. 12, 12:526-27. Lima: Gráfica Morsom.

Espinosa Vázquez, Alejandra. 2003. "El baile de la artesa en el Ciruelo, Oaxaca." Thesis, Escuela Nacional de Danza Folklórico, Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes, Mexico City.

Feldman, Heidi Carolyn. 2006. Black Rhythms of Peru: Reviving African Musical Heritage in the Black Pacific. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.

Fernández Gatica, Andrés. 1988. La chilena. San Pedro Amuzgos, Oaxaca: Insti- tuto de Investigaciones Históricas, Sociológicas y Literarias.

Flanet, Veronique. 1977. Viviré si Dios quiere. Translated into Spanish by Tununa Mercado. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista.

García Arreola, Román. [1994?]. La chilena. N.p.: n.p.

Garrido, Pablo. 1979. Historial de la cueca. Valparaíso, Chile: Ediciones Universita- rias de la Universidad Católica de Valparaíso.

González, Juan Pablo, and Claudio Rolle. 2005. Historia social de la música popular en Chile, 1890-1950. Santiago: Ediciones Universidad Católica de Chile.

Gushee, Lawrence. 2002. "The Nineteenth-Century Origins of Jazz." Black Music Research Journal 22: 151-74.

Hague, Eleanor. 1915. "Five Mexican Dances." Journal of American Folk-Lore 28 (110): 379-81.

Híjar Sánchez, Fernando, ed. 2006. Música sin fronteras: Ensayos sobre migración, música, y identidad. Mexico City: CONACULTA.

Lewis, Laura A. 2001. "Of Ships and Saints: History, Memory, and Place in the Making of Moreno Mexican Identity." Cultural Anthropology 16 (1): 62-82.

Llerenas, Eduardo, Barug Lieberman, and Enrique Ramírez de Arellano. 1985. Notes to the box set Antología del son de México. Mexico City: Corazón.

López Urrutia, Carlos. 1971. La escuadra chilena en México (1822): Los corsarios chilenos y argentinos en los mares del norte. Buenos Aires: F. de Aguirre.

Loyola Palacios, Margot, and Osvaldo Cádiz Valenzuela. 2010. La Cueca: Danza de la vida y de la muerte. Valparaíso, Chile: Ediciones Universitarias de la Universidad Católica de Valparaíso.

Luengas Pérez, Rubén 2009. Accompanying booklet to the CD Yaa, ntaa, chilena . . . La otra chilena: Música de los pueblos mixteco, amuzgo, chatino, tlapaneco, nahua, afromestizo, y triqui. Mexico City: Comisión Nacional para el Desarollo de los Pueblos Indígenas.

Mann, Iain. 2003. "A Study of the Development of the Peruvian Marinera Limeña: 19th Century Piano Scores, Early Recordings, and 20th Century Performance Practice." MA thesis, University of California, Santa Cruz.

McDowell, John H. 2000. Poetry and Violence: The Ballad Tradition of Mexico's Costa Chica. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

Mendoza, Vicente T. 1948. "La cancion chilena en México." Revista Musical Chilena 4 (28): 7-21.

Moedano Navarro, Gabriel. 1996. Notes to the CD Soy el negro de la Costa: Música y poesía afromestiza de la Costa Chica 33, Testimonio Musical de México. Mex- ico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia.

Moreno Quiroz, Juan. 2001[?]. Antologia de chilenas soltecas: El gusto de mi region. N.p.: n.p.

Morgan, Dale L., and James R. Scobie. 1964. Three Years in California: William Perkins' Journal of Life at Sonora, 1849-1852. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Navarrete Pellicer, Sergio. 2001. "Las capillas de música de viento en Oaxaca durante el siglo XIX." Heterofonía 124 (January-June): 9-27.

Ochoa Campos, Moisés. 1987. La chilena guerrense. Chilpancingo de los Bravos, Guerrero: Comisión Editorial del Gobierno del Estado de Guerrero.

Pérez Fernández, Rolando Antonio. 1990. La música afromestiza mexicana. Xalapa, Veracruz: Universidad Veracruzana.

Reyes Larrea, Israel. 2008. Costumbres y tradiciones de los pueblos negros de la Costa Chica de Oaxaca. Oaxaca City: Secretaría de Cultura del Gobierno del Estado de Oaxaca.

Romero, Fernando. 1940. "De la 'samba' de Africa a la 'marinera' de Perú." Estudios Afrocubanos 4 (1-4): 82-120.

Ruiz Rodríguez, Carlos. 2001. "Sones de artesa de San Nicolás Tolentino, Gue- rrero." BA thesis in ethnomusicology, Escuela Nacional de Música, Universi- dad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City.

_____. 2004. Booklet accompanying Versos, música y baile de artesa de la Costa Chica. Mexico City: Colegio de México.

_____. 2008. "Hacia una mar del sur extensa: La costa musical afro-pacifica." Pa- per presented at "Diáspora, nación y diferencia: Poblaciones de origen africano en México y Centroamérica," Mexico City, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia.

Sheehy, Daniel. 1998. "Mexico." In Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, vol. 2, South America, Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean, edited by Dale E. Olsen and Daniel E. Sheehy, 600 -625. New York: Garland.

Simonett, Helena. 2001. Banda: Mexican Musical Life across Borders. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.

Spencer Espinosa, Christian. 2007. "Imaginario nacional y cambio cultural: Circulación, recepción y pervivencia de la zamacueca en Chile durante el siglo XIX." Cuadernos de Música Iberoamericana 14: 143-76.

Stanford, Thomas. 1972. "The Mexican Son." Yearbook of the International Folk Music Council 4: 66-86.

_____. 1977. Notes to the CD Música de la Costa Chica de Guerrero y Oaxaca, No. 21, Testimonio Musical de México. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia.

_____. 1997. Review of Diccionario de Música en México, by Gabriel Pareyon. Latin American Music Review/Revista de Música Latinoamericana 18 (1): 124-26.

Tompkins, William David. 1981. "The Musical Traditions of the Blacks of Coastal Peru." PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles.

Vega, Carlos. 1944. Panorama de la música popular argentina. Buenos Aires: Edito- rial Losada.

_____. 1953. Bailes tradicionales argentinos: La zamacueca (cueca, zamba, chilena, marinera); La zamba antigua. Buenos Aires: Editorial Julio Korn.

Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín. [1882] 1922. "La zamacueca y la zanguaraña." Re- vista Chilena (September): 449-63.

Widmer, Rolf. 1990. Conquista y despertar de las costas de la Mar del Sur (1521- 1684). Mexico City: CONACULTA.

Zapiola Cortés, José. [1881] 1945. Recuerdos de treinta años. Santiago: Zig Zag.